and the rewards of our care, can properly be called our own, so long it will be worth our while to be industrious and frugal. But if when we plow-sw-reap-gather-and thresh-we find that we-plow-sow-reap-gather -and thresh for others, whose Pleasure is to be the Sole Limitation how much they shall take, and how much they shall leave, why should we repeat the unprofitable toil? "Horses and oxen are content with that portion of the fruits of their work, which their owners assign them, in order to keep them strong enough to raise successive crops; but even these beasts will not submit to draw for their masters, until they are subdued by whips and goads."

"If I am an Enthusiast, in anything; it is in my zeal for the perpetual dependence of these colonies on their mother country-a dependence founded on mutual benefits, the continuance of which can be secured only by mutual affections."

For my part I regard Great Britain as a Bulwark, happily fixed between these colonies and the powerful nations of Europe. It is therefore our duty, and our interest, to support the strength of Great Britain.-Life and Writings of J. Dickinson, pp. 308-403.

Lord Mansfield made a reply to Pitt (Chatham) in regard to the right of the English Parliament to tax the colonies. Something of an idea of his arguments may be seen in the following extracts:

I am extremely sorry that the question has ever become necessary to be agitated, and that there should be a decision upon it. No one in this house will live long enough to see an end put to the mischief which will be the result of the doctrine which has been inculcated; but the arrow is shot, and the wound already given.

There can be no doubt, my Lords, but that the inhabitants of the colonies are as much represented in Parliament, as the greatest part of the people in England are represented; among nine millions of whom there are eight which have no votes in electing members of parliament. Every objection therefore to the dependency of the colonies upon Parliament which arises to it upon the ground of representation goes to

the whole present constitution of Great Britain: and I suppose it is not meant to new model that too,

A member of Parliament, chosen for any borough, represents not only the constituents and inhabitants of that particular place, but he represents the inhabitants of every other borough in Great-Britain. He represents the city of London and all the other commons of this land, and the inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions of Great-Britain; and is in duty and conscience, bound to take care of their interests.

I am far from bearing any ill will to the Americans; they are a very good people, and I have long known them, I began life with them, and owe much to them, having been much concerned in the plantation causes before the privy council; and, so I become a good deal acquainted with American affairs and people. I dare say their heat will soon be over, when they come to feel a little the consequences of their opposition to the Legislature. Anarchy always cures itself; but the ferment will continue so much the longer, while hotheaded men there, find that there are persons of weight and character to support and justify them here.

"You may abdicate your right over the colonies. Take care my Lords, how you do so, for such an act will be irrevocable. Proceed, then, my Lords, with spirit and firmness, and when you shall have established your authority, it will then be time to show your lenity.

The Americans, as I said before, are a very good people, and I wish them exceedingly well; but they are heated and inflamed. The noble Lord who spoke before ended with a prayer.

I can not end better than

by saying to it, Amen; and in the words of Maurice, prince of Orange, concerning the Hollanders, "God bless this industrious, frugal, and well-meaning, but easily deluded people."-Goodrich, British Eloquence, p. 148 f.

The following arguments are taken from the protest that was entered in the Lords' journal by some of the members of that house against the proposed repeal of the Stamp Act:

This house has most solemnly asserted and declared, first, 'That the King's majesty, by and with the advise

and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and commons of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and -authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies and people of America, subject to the crown of Gt. Britain in all cases whatsoever.' Secondly, "That tumults and insurrections of the most dangerous nature have been raised and carried on in several of the North-American colonies, in open defiance of the power and dignity of his Majesty's Government, and in manifest violation of the laws and legislative authority of this Kingdom.' Thirdly, "That the said tumults and insurrections have been encouraged and inflamed, by sundry votes and resolutions passed in several of the assemblies of the said provinces, derogatory to the honour of his Majesty's Government, and destructive of the legal and constitutional dependency of said colonies, on the Imperial Crown and Parliament of Great-Britain.'

"2dly, Because the laws, which this bill now proposes to repeal, was passed in the other house with very little opposition and in this without one dissentient voice, during the last session of Parliament, which we presume, if it had been wholly, and fundamentally wrong, could not possibly have happened;"

4thly, Because it appears to us, that a most essential branch of that authority, the power of taxation, cannot be properly, equitably, or impartially exercised, if it does not extend itself to all the Members of the State, in proportion to their respective abilities, but suffers a part to be exempt from a due share of those burdens which the public exigencies require to be imposed upon the whole; a partiality, which is directly repugnant to the trust reposed by the people in every legislature, and destructive of that confidence on which all Government is founded.

6thly, Because not only the right but the expediency and necessity of the supreme Legislature's exerting its authority to lay a general tax on our American colonies, whenever the wants of the public make it fitting and reasonable that all the provinces should contribute, in a proper proportion, to the defence of the whole, appear to us undeniable.

7thly, Because the reasons assigned in the public resolutions of the provincial Assemblies, in the North American colonies, for their disobeying the StampAct, viz., "That they are not represented in the parliament of Gt.-Britain," extends to all other laws of what nature soever, which that Parliament has enacted, or shall enact, to bind them in times to come, and must (if admitted) let them absolutely free from any obedience to the power of the British Legislature.

8thly, Because the appearance of weakness and timidity in the Government and Parliament of this. kingdom, which a concession of this nature may too probably carry with it, has a manifest tendency to draw on farther insults, and, by lessening the respect of his Majesty's subjects to the dignity of his crown, and authority of his laws, throw the whole British empire into a miserable state of confusion and anarchy, with which it seems, by many symptoms, to be dangerously threatened.-Parliamentary Debates, 1761-1768, p. 368 f.

From the Declaration of Rights of the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, in 1774:

Whereupon the deputies so appointed being now assembled, in a full and free representation of these colonies, taking into their most serious consideration, the best means of attaining the ends aforesaid, do, in the first place, as Englishmen, their ancestors, in like cases have usually done, for effecting and vindicating their rights and liberties, Declare,—

That the inhabitants of the English colonies in North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the following Rights:

Resolved, N. C. D. 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property, and that they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever, a right to dispose of either without their consent.

Resolved, N. C..D. 2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities, of full and natural-born subjects, within the realm of England.

Resolved, N. C. D. 3. That by such emigration, they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost, any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now

and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and commons of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies and people of America, subject to the crown of Gt. Britain in all cases whatsoever.' Secondly, "That tumults and insurrections of the most dangerous nature have been raised and carried on in several of the North-American colonies, in open defiance of the power and dignity of his Majesty's Government, and in manifest violation of the laws and legislative authority of this Kingdom.' Thirdly, "That the said tumults and insurrections have been encouraged and inflamed, by sundry votes and resolutions passed in several of the assemblies of the said provinces, derogatory to the honour of his Majesty's Government, and destructive of the legal and constitutional dependency of said colonies, on the Imperial Crown and Parliament of Great-Britain.'

"2dly, Because the laws, which this bill now proposes to repeal, was passed in the other house with very little opposition and in this without one dissentient voice, during the last session of Parliament, which we presume, if it had been wholly, and fundamentally wrong, could not possibly have happened;"

4thly, Because it appears to us, that a most essential branch of that authority, the power of taxation, cannot be properly, equitably, or impartially exercised, if it does not extend itself to all the Members of the State, in proportion to their respective abilities, but suffers a part to be exempt from a due share of those burdens which the public exigencies require to be imposed upon the whole; a partiality, which is directly repugnant to the trust reposed by the people in every legislature, and destructive of that confidence on which all Government is founded.

6thly, Because not only the right but the expediency and necessity of the supreme Legislature's exerting its authority to lay a general tax on our American colonies, whenever the wants of the public make it fitting and reasonable that all the provinces should contribute, în a proper proportion, to the defence of the whole, appear to us undeniable.