BOOK I. Characteristics of mentioned by name, whereas in general so very few names occur in the ancient legends. In the oldest form the war between Sabines and Romans was most likely described as settled by single combat, after the general battle was stopped by the intervention of the women.' And it is clear, from the slightly altered names of the chiefs, that the legends of Romulus and of Tullus are in reality simply two versions of the same story. In the Hostus Hostilius of the army of Romulus we easily recognise the King Tullus Hostilius, and the Sabine Mettius Curtius turns up again as Mettius Fufetius. Now, if we reflect that the Albans were of Sabine origin, we cannot fail to recognise in the story of Romulus and Tullus a tradition referring to the union of the Romans with the Sabines. For the Albans are transferred to Rome, and the city is doubled, just as it was under Romulus." 3 Legendary history plays in the most lively colours, and legendary these sometimes change most unexpectedly. Seen from history. different points of view, a story frequently turns into the very opposite. An example of this is exhibited in the story of the Sabine war of Tullus Hostilius. At the See Cicero, De Rep., ii. 18, quoted above, p. 26, n. 2. 6 2 The story of a real battle between Romulus and Tatius was connected with a tradition ascribing to Romulus the consecration of a temple to Jupiter Stator. This Jupiter was interpreted as the stayer of flight, and this interpretation was the origin of the legend, the object being to account for the name and foundation of the temple. Legends of this kind are very appropriately called 'ætiological.' (Schwegler, Röm. Gesch., i. 69.) But the explanation of Jupiter Stator as stayer of flight is very doubtful. Cicero takes Stator as establisher or founder of the city. (See above p. 11, n. 1.) Moreover the temple of Jupiter Stator was really built after the year 296 B.C., about 500 years later, as we happen to know from Livy, x. 37. There is therefore no foundation whatever for the story of the battle between the Romans and the Sabines. * The multiplication of persons by changing the first name or the surname, is by no means uncommon in the older history of Rome. Thus Numa Marcius is evidently identical with Numa Pompilius.-See the Author's Researches, p. 63 (Forschungen, p. 46.) Compare Schwegler, Röm. Gesch., i. 24. See above, p. 22, and the Author's Researches, p. 41 (Forschungen, p. 31). This duplication is felt to be particularly inconvenient by those modern historians who think that the transplanted Albans formed the tribe of the Luceres. According to their views the population of Rome ought to have been increased by one-third, and not doubled. See Schwegler, Röm. Gesch., i. 59. Livy, i. 30. Dionysius, iii. 32. IV. festival of Feronia in the country of the Sabines, frequented CHAP. by many strangers on account of the games and the traffic, Roman citizens were robbed and taken prisoners by the Sabines. The Sabines would not listen to the ambassadors of Tullus, and the consequence was a war between the two nations. Here we have the corresponding picture to the rape of the Sabine women. Instead of women, men are carried away; instead of Sabines, Romans are the victims; instead of its taking place in Rome, it takes place in the land of the Sabines.2 If the stories of the war of Tullus with the Albans and Sabines are only different forms of the same legend which figured in the tale of Romulus as the Sabine war, there remains nothing peculiar to Tullus Hostilius, and he appears only as the shadow of Romulus. Even the ancients recognised the similarity between the two,3 as they were also struck with that between Numa Pompilius and Ancus Marcius. In the story of Tullus, it is true, all that is wonderful and supernatural is suppressed; but his identity with Romulus is nevertheless manifest. He, like Romulus, grows up among the shepherds. Like Romulus, he wages war with Fidenæ and Veii. Like Romulus, he doubles the number of Roman citizens" and joins the Mons Cœlius to the city, he organises the army,' he introduces the in The war opens precisely like the war with Alba. Utrimque injuriæ factæ ac res nequicquam erant repetitæ.'-Livy, i. 30. The same legend occurs once more in a somewhat different form, Livy, ii. 18: Eo anno Romæ, cum per ludos ab Sabinorum iuventute per lasciviam scorta raperentur, concursu hominum rixa ac prope prælium fuit, parvaque ex re ad rebellionem spectare res videbatur.' This time the scene was laid in Rome, but, as Roman pride would not permit that the Sabines had dared to carry off Roman maidens, the story was softened. The Sabines evidently had also their national legend of the rape of the women. * Livy, i. 22. Zonaras, vii. 6. Valer. Maxim., iii. 4, 1: Incunabula Tulli Hostili agreste tugurium capit: eiusdem adolescentia in pecore pascendo fuit occupata.' Livy, i. 30: 'Duplicatur civium numerus.' Valer. Maxim., iii. 4, 1 : ' Im perium Romanum duplicavit.' Dionysius, ii. 50. Florus, i. 3, 1: Hic omnem militarem disciplinam artemque bellandi condidit.' Orosius, ii. 4: Tullus Hostilius militaris rei institutor.' Identity of Romulus. I. BOOK signia of royal power,' an act which is ascribed to Romulus and also to Tarquinius Priscus. Even in his conquest of Alba, he is anticipated by Romulus, who in some versions of the legend appears to have caused the destruction of that town. According to some accounts, Romulus degenerated into a tyrant; of Tullus this is the common report. Finally the identity of the two warlike kings appears in their death. They were both removed from the earth in the midst of thunder and lightning, and were never seen again." The legend altogether unhisto rical. Thus, wherever we begin, and whichever portion we examine of the legends of Romulus and Tullus, we arrive always at the same result; viz., that the alleged histories of these two kings are simply different versions of the same old legend, in which the most careful research can discover no trace of genuine historical truth. The sella curulis, the lictors, the toga picta, and the toga prætexta.— Macrobius, i. 6, 208; Gronov. Plinius, Hist. Nat., ix. 63. 2 See below, chap. 6. See especially Cicero, De Rep., ii. 2, 4: 'Romulus oppressisse Longam Albam .. fertur.' This highly characteristic legend is repeated more than once, as in the case of Æneas (Aurel. Victor, p. 14, 2), and the Alban king Romulus or Remulus (Livy i. 3; Dionysius i. 71; Appian, i. 2). Even the rationalistic version of the legend, which represents the death of Romulus as caused by foul play, has found a place in the story of Tullus (Dionysius, iii. 35). CHAPTER V. THE LEGEND OF ANCUS MARCIUS. CHAP. ANCUS MARCIUS was a just and peaceful king, and his first care was to restore the service of the gods, according to the precepts of Numa; for Tullus had not honoured them, The piety nor kept their worship pure. For this reason Ancus of Ancus. caused the sacred laws of Numa to be written on wooden tablets, and to be exhibited before the people; and he endeavoured to preserve peace and the peaceful arts, as Numa had done, whose example he wished to follow in all things. between Ancus and But it was not vouchsafed to him always to avoid war. The war For when the Latins heard that Tullus was succeeded by a peace-loving king, who passed his time quietly at home the Latins. in prayer and sacrifice, they fell upon the country of the Romans, and thought they could plunder it with impunity. Then Ancus left the management of the public worship to the priests, and took up arms, and fought with his enemies, and conquered their towns and destroyed them. And many of the inhabitants he brought to Rome, and gave them dwellings on the Aventine hill. Therefore Ancus enlarged the city, and dug a deep trench in that part where the slope of the hills was not steep enough to protect Rome from her enemies. After this he fortified the hill Janiculus on the right bank of the Tiber, and built a wooden bridge over the river; and he conquered all the land between Rome and the sea, and planted a colony at the mouth of the Tiber, which he called Ostia, and made there a harbour for sea-going ships. And when Ancus had been king for four-and-twenty years, he died I. BOOK calmly and happily like Numa, and the Romans honoured his memory, for he was just in time of peace, and courageous and victorious in time of war. Prosaic character of the legend. Ancus a second Numa. Critical examination of the Legend of Ancus Marcius. The story of Ancus Marcius is entirely destitute of miracles. All events lie within the bounds of possibility, perhaps even of probability. But in proportion as it is credible, it is scanty. The story contains nothing characteristic, there is nothing in it which could call forth surprise or admiration, horror or fear, and might on that account live for centuries in the mouth of the people. Ancus is the dullest and most prosaic of all the Roman kings. He is called the grandson of Numa, and is indeed only a second Numa. As such he betrays himself by his name Marcius, for this is the name of Numa Marcius, the first high pontiff, and friend of king Numa, to whom Numa confided the sacred books; in reality this Numa Marcius is the same person as Numa Pompilius, and appears as an independent person only because the founder of the Roman religion was represented sometimes as a priest and sometimes as a king. The legend clearly identifies Ancus with the royal priest, for it makes him literally a bridge-builder (pontifex) by ascribing to him the building of the first wooden bridge over the Tiber.2 It is especially in his priestly functions that Ancus coincides with his supposed grandfather Numa. He discharges the duties of a priest in person,3 he causes the ceremonial law to be recorded, he introduces the inter 'Hartung, Religion der Römer, i. 216. See above, page 30. 2 Livy, i. 33. Livy, i. 32, 33. The same is reported of Numa (Livy, i. 20): 'Ipse plurima sacra obibat.' He is said to have caused it to be written on tablets, and to be exhibited in public (Livy, i. 33; Dionysius, iii. 38). This is one of the statements which startle us by their absurdity. The pontifices kept their science secret with the greatest jealousy (Livy, iv. 3; vi. 1; ix. 46). How could any ancient writer invent or repeat a story so utterly at variance with this fact, even if it be |