are divided into divisions, these again into brigades, and finally into regiments; the forces are moreover divided into cavalry and infantry, besides having engineers, and lately artillery and a perfect sanitary corps, which latter is in command of Eugenio Sanchez Agramonte, with the grade of brigadier-general. Maj. Gen. José Maceo commands the First Santiago Corps, while Maj. Gen. Bartolome Masso commands the Second Corps in that province.

Commanding divisions and brigades in these two corps are Brig. Gens. Pedro Perez, Agustin Cebreco, Jesus Rabi, Luis Feria, Bernardo Capote, Higinio Vasquez, and Angel Guerra.

The Third Corps is in command of Maj. Gen. José M. Rodriguez. The Fourth Corps is in command of Maj. Gen. Cartos Roloff, the divisions and brigades being commanded by Maj. Gens. Francisco Carrillo and Serafin Sanchez and Brig. Gens. Tranquilino Perez, Juan B. Zayas, and Rogelio Castillo. The Fifth Corps is in command of Maj. Gen. Manuel Suarez, and the divisions and brigades are commanded by Francisco Perez, José Lacret, and José M. Aguirre.

The first two corps consist of 26,000 men, mostly infantry; the third, of about 4,000 men, mostly cavalry; the Fourth and Fifth Corps consisted before the late invasion of Gomez of over 20,000 men, both infautry and cavalry, which force has been considerably increased in these last days. Of the 50,000 men that there are at least in the field, more than half are fully armed and equipped, the rest carrying miscellaneous weapons or side arms.

The work of fully equipping the army is now proceeding rapidly. The higher grades and commissions are all confirmed by the Government. Stations for the manufacture of powder and the reloading of cartridges are established, as well as manufacturing of shoes, saddles, and other equipments. The hospitals for the sick and wounded are also provided. Red Cross societies have offered their cooperation, but the Spanish commander in chief has refused to allow them to enter the insurgent lines.

The discipline of the army is strict and marauding is promptly punished, as was done in the case of Lieut. Alberto Castillo, an officer of the Second Corps, who was tried and shot for robbery, and as has been repeatedly done with the "Plateados," men who, taking advantage of the unsettled condition of affairs in the country, have turned bandits. The Cuban Army of Liberation is entirely volunteer, without pay

CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

As above indicated, José Martí was the head of the preliminary civil organization, and he, immediately upon landing with Gomez in Cuba, issued a call for the selection of representatives of the Cuban people to form a civil government.

His death postponed for a time the selection of these men, but in the beginning of September the call previously issued was complied with. Representatives from each of the provinces of Santiago, Puerto Principe, Santa Clara, and the western part of the island, comprising the provinces of Matanzas and Havana, making twenty in all, were elected to the constituent assembly, which was to establish a civil government, republican in form.

A complete list of the members of the constituent assembly which met at Jimaguayu, in the province of Puerto Principe, on the 13th of September, 1895, together with an account of its organization and subsequent action, will be found in the document hereto annexed and marked B.

S. Rep. 11605

A constitution of the Republic of Cuba was adopted on the 16th of September, and copy of which will be found in document annexed marked B.

On the 18th of September the following officers of the Government were elected by the constituent assembly in accordance with the terms of the constitution:

President, Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, of Puerto Principe; vicepresident, Bartolome Masso, of Manzanillo; secretary of war, Carlos Roloff, of Santa Clara; secretary of the treasury, Severo Pina, of Sancti Spiritus; secretary of the interior, Santiago Garcia Canizares, of Remedios; secretary of foreign relations, Rafael M. Portuondo, of Santiago de Cuba; subsecretary of war, Mario Menocal, of Mantanzas; subsecretary of the treasury, Joaquin Castello, of Santiago de Cuba; subsecretary of the interior, Carlos Dubois, of Baracoa; subsecretary of foreign relations, Fermin Valdes Dominguez, of Havana.

The installation of these officers duly followed. The election of the general in chief and the second in command, who is to bear the title of lieutenant-general, was then had, and resulted in the unanimous election of Maximo Gomez and Antonio Maceo, respectively.

On the same day the constituent assembly elected by acclamation as delegate plenipotentiary and general agent abroad of the Cuban Republic, the undersigned, Tomas Estrada Palma. The credentials issued to me are hereto annexed, marked C.

Immediately thereafter the government council proceeded to the headquarters of General Gomez, in Puerto Principe, where the latter took the oath of allegiance to the constitution of the Republic, together with his troops, who there gathered for this purpose, and was installed as commander in chief of the armies of the Republic.

The government council then proceeded to the province of Santiago, where Gen. Antonio Maceo and his forces took the oath of allegiance. Thence the council proceeded to the province or Santa Clara to inspect and administer the oath to the troops of the Fourth and Fifth Army Corps. They are now on their way to the province of Santiago, where their permanent headquarters will be established.

The divisions of the provinces into prefectures under the supervision of the secretary of the interior and the duties which devolve in this department are fully set forth in Exhibit B, as well as the duties of the secretary of the treasury. The impositions, rate and collection of the taxes, and sources of income of the Government will also be found in Exhibit 3.

All moneys collected in accordance with the laws of the Republic, as well as those received through voluntary contributions, are delivered to him or his duly authorized agent and expended under his supervision or that of his agents, to supply the present needs of the Government, which are mainly purchase of arms and ammunition.

The money thus collected has been sufficient to equip the army and keep it supplied with ammunition, although, as it is natural, from the rapid increase of the ranks and the difficulty of bringing supplies into the island, many of the new recruits have not yet been fully armed. The problem of equipping the army is not a financial one, but arises from the caution necessary to blockade running and, above all, the preventive measures taken by foreign Governments, and the notice which is in all cases given to the enemy of the embarkment of munitions. No report of the secretary of the treasury has yet been made, as he has been in office but three months.

For the purpose of properly collecting the imposts the roads to all cities, as well as the coast, are patrolled by the Cubans. The Cuban

Government publishes two newspapers, El Cubano Libre and the Boletin de la Guerra.

TREATMENT OF PRISONERS.

From the beginning of this insurrection the conduct of the Cubans as to prisoners has been in strong contrast to that of the Spaniards; prisoners taken by the Cubans have been invariably well treated, cared for, and liberated, officers as well as common soldiers, as soon as it was possible under the circumstances, and word sent to the Spanish officers to call for them on the guaranty that the detachment would be respected.

As instances we may recite those even admitted by the Spaniards, namely: Ramon de las Yaguas, Campechuela, and Peralejos, in Santiago; el Mulato, San Jeronimo, and Las Minas, in Puerto Principe; Taguasco, Pelayo, and Cantabria, in Santa Clara. After the last-mentioned engagement Colonel Rego returned his prisoners to the Spanish lines, obtaining a receipt for their delivery signed by a lieutenant, of which a copy is hereto annexed, marked D.

This action, in accordance with the spirit of the insurrection, which is declared not to be against the Spaniards, of whom many are fighting for the independence of the island, but against the Spanish Government, is echoed by the general order of the commander in chief on this subject, of which the following is a copy:

CIRCULAR OF THE GENERAL IN CHIEF.

GENERAL HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY OF LIBERATION,

Camaguey, August 1, 1895.

In order to establish in a clear and precise manner the mode of procedure toward the chiefs, officers, and soldiers of the monarchy captured in action or operations, and toward those who voluntarily surrender to our columns or authorities, I have deemed it convenient to order as follows:

ART. 1. All prisoners captured in action or by the troops of the Republic will be immediately liberated and returned to their ranks, unless they volunteer to join the army of liberation. The abandoned wounded will be gathered and attended to with all care, and the unburied dead interred.

ART. 2. All persons who shall be arrested, charged with committing the misdemeanors in the circular of July 1, by violating or disregarding the said order, will be summarily proceeded against.

ART. 3. Those of the prisoners who are chiefs or officers of the army of the monarchy will be respected and considered according to their rank and treated according to the valor with which they may have resisted, and will all be returned to their ranks if they so desire.

ART. 4. Those who volunteer to join the ranks of the republicans, and appear before our columns and authorities, will have their option in the mode of serving the cause of the Republic, either in arms or by more peaceful occupations, civil or agricultural pursuits.

I communicate this to you for your instruction and for your rigid compliance. Country and liberty.

MAXIMO GOMEZ,
The General in Chief.

On the part of the Spanish, attention is called to the order prohibiting newspaper correspondents from entering insurgent lines to prevent accurate information being given to the world at large; the order to shoot all who supply food or medicines to the insurgents; the order, which in every instance has been carried out, to shoot all officers of the Cuban army who may be captured, under which Domingo Mujica, Gil Gonzalez, Quirina Amezago, and Acebo have been executed. At the recapture of Baire, old men, women, and children were ruthlessly slaughtered by the Spanish soldiery, the hospital at Gran Piedra was

captured and over seventy wounded and defenseless Cubans were killed; at Cayo Espino peaceful men and women were butchered by Colonel Molina and the outrages committed by the troops under Garrido and Tejera are legion. The action of convicts, who have been liberated by Spain to fight the Cubans under such leadership as that of the notorious Lola Benitez, who bears the title of colonel, are, as might be expected, a blot on any Christian army.

As to the treatment of Cubans suspected of sympathy with the insurgents, we have but to consider the large number of men who have lately been arrested and on bare suspicion summarily sent to the Spanish penal colonies for life; some foreign citizens have indeed escaped court martial on the interference of their Governments, but it is well known that even civil trials at this time are under the absolute control of the Government.

NOT A NEGRO MOVEMENT.

The Spaniards charge, in order to belittle the insurrection, that it is a movement of negroes. It should be remembered that not more than one-third of the entire population are of the colored race. As a matter of fact, less than one-third of the army are of the colored race. Take, for instance, the generals of corps, divisions, and brigades; there are but three of the colored race, namely, Antonio and José Maceo and Augustin Cebreco, and these are mulattoes whose deeds and victories have placed them far above the generals of those who pretend to despise them. None of the members of the constituent assembly or of the Government are of the colored race. The Cubans and the colored race are as friendly in this war as they were in times of peace, and it would indeed be strange if the colored people were not so, as the whites fought for and with them in the last revolt, the only successful purpose of which was the freedom of the slaves.

If it be true that this is merely a movement of bandits and negroes and adventurers, as the Spaniards assert, why have they not armed the Cuban people to fight against the outlaws, or why have not the Cuban people themselves volunteered to crush this handful? On the contrary, they know that giving those Cubans arms who have them not would be but to increase the number of insurgents, and they have therefore sent more than 125,000 troops from Spain, mostly conscripts; they have sent over forty of their most famous generals; they have increased their navy, and virtually, so far as the Cubans are concerned, blockaded the entire coast. They have been compelled to make many onerous loans to carry on the campaign; they have increased the fortifications of their ports; they have brought torpedoes to protect their harbors, and they have even placed armed troops on their mail steamers to prevent their capture.

Besides this large army, they have between 60,000 and 80,000 volunteers to protect their towns. These volunteers, so called, are native Spaniards and a branch of the regular army, the service being compulsory; that is, instead of serving in the regular army at home, where their entire time must be given up, they volunteer to enter this body on emigration to Cuba, where they may follow to a considerable extent their occupation; in other words, they correspond to our home guards or militia, except that the service is obligatory and that the men can not leave the island without permission.

It is not denied that a large number of what the Spaniards term the lower classes are in this revolution, but this is only a proof of how deep into the mass of the people have been implanted the seeds of discon

tent and of republicanism. This is a movement not like our last revolution-the result of the agitation of the wealthy and the educated— but one which is the outcome of the popular sentiment of all classes. Much surprise has been expressed that with the immense army and resources at hand Spain has not been able to crush the insurrection or prevent its rapid growth. Aside from the climate, which is deadly to the raw, ill-fed, ill-clothed, ill-treated, and badly paid Spanish troops, the greater part of whom are mere lads, the Spaniards have to divide their troops into an army of occupation and another of operation. These must necessarily move in considerable numbers, because if compelled to flee without a knowledge of the intricacies of the country they would be decimated.

A Cuban command on dispersion is readily reorganized, as each man is his own guide. This is one of the most valuable of Cuban movements to disperse as if routed, to rally at a previously agreed point, and then to fall upon and surprise the seemingly victorious enemy. The Cuban, used to the country and the climate, marches and rides much faster than the Spaniard. He can live and thrive, and does so in necessity, on food that is death to the Spanish soldier. Moreover in a friendly country the movements of the enemy are readily ascertained by the Cuban general, who can thus select his own position or evade the engagement, while the Spanish are never so well informed and are at the mercy of their guides.

It must be remembered that the Cuban fights for the noblest principle of man-independence. That he does so without compulsion or pay, but spontaneously and enthusiastically-nay, he fights the battle of despair, knowing it is better to be killed thus than to bear the tortures of a Spanish prison or to trust himself to the tender mercy of a Spanish commander. On the other hand, the Spanish troops fight by compulsion and for pay, which is even now months in arrears; they fight without faith, for their heart is not with their cause. They know that surrender means pardon and good treatment, while fighting may mean death. Hundreds of Spanish soldiers have singly or in groups gone over to the insurgent lines, being satisfied that they would live there under better conditions.

CHARACTER OF THE WAR.

There was also an attempt made by the Spanish to brand the Cubans with carrying on an uncivilized warfare because of their use of dynamite. General Roloff before using this explosive issued a proclamation warning all persons of the danger of traveling by rail. Dynamite has been used freely, but only as a substitute for gunpowder in the destruction of railroad bridges, trestles, and trains which could be used and were used for the transportation of Spanish troops. Of course it is a serious loss to Spain to have these railroads destroyed, but no one can seriously deny that it is a measure justified by the necessities of war. The use of this explosive as a substitute for gunpowder in the operation of mines is simply a proof that the Cubans are keeping pace with the advance of inventions in the art of war.

DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY.

The subject, however, which has caused probably the most discussion is the order of General Gomez to prevent the grinding of sugar cane and in case of the disobedience of said order the destruction of the crop.