SPEECH.

MY LORDS,

Ar this late hour of the night, and in an atmosphere resembling that of the diocese [Calcutta] to which my Right Reverend friend [the Bishop of Norwich] seems to wish me translated, it is very unwillingly that I trespass upon your Lordships' notice; but the subject in debate is one of such urgent and paramount importance, one in which I am so deeply interested as Bishop of the most populous and influential diocese in England, that I feel it to be inconsistent with the duty which I owe to the Church and to the Country, not to offer a few observations to your Lordships before the discussion is brought to a close. The Right Rev. Prelate who has just sat down, and to whom I give full credit for sincerity in the wish which he expresses, that all men may be brought to a community of religious sentiment, although I am less sanguine than he is as to its fulfilment, has also expressed a hope, that the Church of England may in time be as tolerant in practice as she is in theory. My Lords, I will not enter upon a discussion of this point any further than to observe, that if there be a Church in the whole world, which deserves the character of toleration in practice, as well as in theory, it is the Church of England. Nay, my Lords, I am by no means sure, that she is not more tolerant in practice than in theory: I am not sure, that toleration has not been extended, in

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fact, further than is consistent with the Church's constitution. Not that I complain of this. I would not, if I could, retrace a single step which has been taken in that direction. I only allude to the fact, as a proof, that the Church's practice deserves at least as much praise as her theory, in respect of toleration. Now as to the subject more immediately before us, it is with unfeigned reluctance, my Lords, that I declare my purpose of voting for Resolutions, which are in effect condemnatory of a highly important measure, which has received the deliberate and determined sanction of Her Majesty's Government; so determined indeed, that they persevere in it, notwithstanding the loudly expressed disapprobation of the country at large, upon the strength of an insignificant majority of two in another assembly, against an overwhelming majority of the people, testified by about 3000 petitions against the measure, to 100 in favour of it; a proportion of 30 to 1. It is the more painful to me to pursue the course, which I feel it to be my duty to take, because this measure has assumed a shape, which gives it the semblance of having received the personal approbation and sanction of the Sovereign herself, the temporal Head of our Church. I know, however, that this is not necessarily the case. I know that I am to deal with this measure as a measure determined upon, not by Her Majesty, but by her Ministers; but still, the form, in which it comes before us, makes it the more painful to me to stand up for the purpose of opposing it. In applying, as I feel myself compelled to apply, the language of censure to the measure which has been adopted by Her Majesty's Government with reference to the important question of public education, I hope I shall not be considered as imputing unworthy motives to any of the individuals who compose that Government. I shall without hesitation charge them with erroneous principles, leading to injurious results: but I do not ascribe to them any deliberate intention of producing those results, by setting at work a machinery, which, if it be suffered to move on unimpeded through all the stages of that process, to which its functions are adapted, will undermine and weaken, if it does not

ultimately subvert and overthrow, the Established Church of this country. Least of all am I disposed to impute any such design to the Noble Marquis, the President of the Council, and of this Education Committee, who has assured us to-night, as he has often done before, of his attachment to the Established Church. He knows too well, how inseparably the best interests of the country are bound up with the well-being and efficiency of that Church, to give his approval or assistance to any measure, which he should perceive, or even suspect, to be, in its tendencies, likely to impair its strength or to lessen its usefulness.

But, my Lords, while I give full credit to Her Majesty's Ministers for the rectitude of their motives, I must deal freely and unreservedly with their measures; and I frankly confess, that the measure before us is of such a nature, that it requires no trifling exercise of that charity which thinketh no evil, not to be suspicious of their motives. But I again declare, that I acquit them of any deliberate intention of bringing about the results which are to be apprehended from this scheme. I believe them to be acting under the advice, and from the impulse of others, whose intentions are less friendly to us than their own. I think they are in the hands of a party, hostile to the Church, and bent upon its destruction, who entertain the hope of securing their assistance, as instruments for carrying their own pernicious designs into effect. That there is such a party in the country, a party bent upon destroying its dearest and best institutions, is a fact, which cannot have escaped the observation of your Lordships; a party, not perhaps very numerous, certainly not very respectable: but active, sagacious, persevering in their endeavours; constantly at work about the very foundations of the Monarchy and the Church, and knowing perfectly well, that through the medium of the Church the Monarchy may be most successfully assailed; for if the Church falls, my Lords, all the other glorious and happy institutions of the country will follow; if ever the Church should be cast down, it will involve the Throne in its ruin.

I speak advisedly, when I say, that there is a party in the

country entertaining these designs; seeking, without much attempt at concealment, to accomplish them; and intending to employ popular Education, as a most effective instrument for that purpose. Some no doubt are associated with them, in their plans for extending education, who are little aware of their ulterior objects. It is now nearly two years since I warned your Lordships, and the country at large, against the machinations of this party. I took occasion, upon presenting an important petition from the inhabitants of Cheltenham on the subject of National Education, to caution you against the schemes, which were put forth and recommended by a Society, comprising in the list of its members some persons, eminent for station, for uprightness of conduct, and for benevolence, whose names, I must think, have been given to that Society in ignorance of the designs which its chief promoters have in view, and of the results to which they tend; I mean the Central Society of Education. Their avowed object is, to induce, if possible, the Government of this country to interpose its authority, for the purpose of separating religious and secular education; to withdraw the superintendence of it from the Church; to subvert our national system; and to substitute for it one exclusively secular. It is openly declared by one of the chief advocates of their plans, that the absolute and entire exclusion of the Bible from the secular school, is a sine qua non to the establishment of any national system of Education. I think I have a right to urge Her Majesty's Government not to adopt or sanction any such plans as these; but I think I am also justified in expressing some apprehension of their doing so. I trust that I am not dealing with them uncandidly or unfairly, when I say that the Society in question appears to me to have been, directly or indirectly, the adviser of the Government in the present instance; seeing that the plan, first put forth by the Committee of Privy Council, agrees perfectly in substance, almost in words, with that referred to by the Most Reverend Prelate who moved the Resolutions, as being contained in one of the Society's publications.*

* See Note at the end.

But the Central Society of Education, my Lords, is not the only body which is labouring with mischievous activity to accomplish the same objects, and to prevail upon the Government to establish some such system of education as this, in lieu of that which is connected with the Church of England. There is another Society, formed of the professed enemies of the Church, calling itself, "the Society for Promoting Religious Equality," which has lately passed certain resolutions, and this is one of them: "That to compel any one to contribute to the support of religious rites of which he disapproves, or to the ministers of a church from which he conscientiously dissents, is manifestly unjust, and at variance with the spirit and principles of Christianity: that State establishments, by which any particular Church, or sect, is selected as the object of political favour and patronage, and its Clergy are invested with exclusive rights and secular pre-eminence, involve a violation of equity towards other denominations, and are the occasion of inevitable social discord." All this is very well; it is a plain declaration of hostility to the Church, which is no more than was to be expected from persons who are at enmity with all religious establishments. Indeed it is no more than was declared, I believe, by a deputation of Dissenters who waited upon Earl Grey, when Premier, and who said that nothing would satisfy them, short of the entire subversion of the Church Establishment. But how do they expect to accomplish their object? How is the end to be attained? Their address discloses the secret. They say: "On every hand, in some shape or other, the Church and State question meets the politician. It is the Tithe question in Ireland; the Church-extension question in Scotland; the Church-rate question, and the Education question, and the University question in England." And this reminds me of cautioning your Lordships how you admit the principles which the Government seems prepared to adopt; for if they are brought into full operation in the education of the poorer classes, you may expect them to be forced upon our Universities. The resolution continues: "In no measure of legislation are the social and religious interests of all