Majesty has most graciously been pleased to give them of his intention, in pursuance of the advice of this House, to take such measures as shall appear most conducive to the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and the revolted colonies; and that his efforts shall be directed in the most effectual manner against our European enemies, until such a peace can be obtained as shall consist with the permanent welfare and prosperity of his kingdoms: this House being convinced that nothing can, in the present circumstances of this country, so essentially promote those great objects of his Majesty's paternal care for his people, as the measures which his faithful Commons have most humbly but earnestly recommended to his Majesty." power to put an end to it. He had every reason to believe that there was a genera desire in the Americans to make peace with Great Britain. There were perso at no great distance, authorised to trea with us about peace: and though hither the Americans had not bound themselves to any specific proposition relative to the West Indies, or an exclusive trade France, which could stand in the way of separate peace, he was given to understand that something was in agitation with the court of France, which, if concluded, would be of irreparable disadvantage to this country; our readiness to treat with America would, in all probability, preva any thing definitive from being concluded between the Congress and France. The were his reasons for wishing for an imme diate cessation of hostilities with America and recommending to government, that without loss of time, they would opa treaty of peace with America. Ta Answer delivered to the Address on Friday. was by no means generally understood; was conveyed in a language not any way satisfactory, as it did not say his Majest would put an end to the American wa but that he would take such measures a appeared to him, that is, to his ministers, t Viscount Althorpe should consider himself wanting in duty to his sovereign, if he did not rise to second the motion. At the same time, he said, he was not perfectly satisfied with the Answer that had been given to the late Address; and he wished that the hon. member would take some step that might tend to enforce the spirit of that Address. With respect to the motion then before the House, he hoped it would be carried unanimously, as a mark of that respect which the House enter-be most conducive to harmony; he he tained for his Majesty. The motion was carried nem. con. Debate on the Resolution moved by General Conway, declaring the Advisers of the further prosecution of Offensive War in America to be Enemies to the King and Country.] General Conway informed the House, that he had another proposition to make, which he thought absolutely necessary, and without which the great point that had been carried on Wednesday last, would be rendered nugatory and ineffectual. He was really ashamed to speak so often to the House on the subject of the American war; but he trusted this would be the last time he should obtrude himself on their patience. His habits and disposition were so contrary to the principles of this war, that he absolutely had a most rooted aversion to it; and, therefore, though he was convinced that he had spoken too often on the subject, he could not resist the impulse he felt to rivet, if possible, those fetters, which he hoped the Address voted on Wednesday had put upon the American war. There were several strong reasons which urged him to persevere in making use of every means in his no doubt of his Majesty's gracious intes tion; yet as the same men had open declared in that House, that, to mak peace with America, you must make then feel the calamities of the war, it was not unnatural to think that they would s advise vigorous measures to be pursued. especially as they chose not to understand what the true intent and meaning of the words offensive war' conveyed; he had himself always been bred up in the military line, and nothing could appear more clear than the meaning of the words offensive and defensive. The prayer of the Address was to put an instant end to the American war as a basis for a peace; and as there were persons near at hand properly autho rised to treat for the same, undoubtedly it meant to negociate with them, as the most speedy measure that could be adopted: now was the time for the blow to be struck, before it was too late; and as, from the present Answer, his Majesty's ministers might screen themselves from the public, by saying, they took such measures appeared to them most conducive to putting an end to the war; they might think, that a war of posts, which had been so variously described, was the most proper measure; that the keeping the posts we give any opposition to the motion; but he would observe at the same time, that he could not by any means agree with those who thought it necessary: in his opinion, it had for its object only to strengthen that which was sufficiently strong already. The majority of that House had resolved, that peace should be made with America; and the Answer given from the throne, was so satisfactory, that the House had just concurred in a motion to return thanks to his Majesty for making it: where, therefore, could be the ground for coming to a resolution, which seemed to doubt the pro-priety or sincerity of that Answer? He was not of the disposition of those who complained of majorities in that House; who condemned them; and by factious and seditious misrepresentations, held them out to the public in the most odi-, ous colours: a majority of that House was, in parliamentary language, the House itself; it could never make him change a single opinion, yet he bowed to that opinion which was sanctioned by the majority; though he might not be a convert to such opinion, still he held it to be his indispensable duty to obey it, and never once to lose sight of it, in the advice which as a servant of the crown, he should have occasion to give his sovereign. It was the right of that House to command; it was the duty of a minister to obey its resolutions; parliament had already expressed its desires or its orders; and as it was scarcely possible that a minister should be found hardy, daring, infamous enough to advise his sovereign to differ in opinion from his parliament, so he could not think that the present motion, which must suppose the existence of such a minister, could be at all necessary. He could not help however observing, that when parliament was giving orders, the breach of which was to draw down upon ministers the infamy of being deemed enemies to their king and country, those orders should be so clear, so plain, and so explicit, that it would be impossible for ministers to mistake their meaning: he was sorry, that in the present instance, this was not the case; for the resolution of Wednesday last, of which the present was a kind of confirmation, was clouded with obscurity, which would render it impossible for a minister to know for certain, whether he was adhering to, or deviating from, the orders of the House. If he understood those orders right, and if he did not, he wished [44] the House would explain them to him, the object of the late Address was peace with America; and that keeping this object in view, all the measures that ministers should advise, were to be calculated to effect that object as soon as possible. Several voices were heard to cry No, no.Lord North wished then to be informed if he had mistaken the meaning of the Resolution. General Conway said his motion of Wednesday did not mean to seize the first opportunity of making peace that might offer; but ordered ministers instantly to forego offensive war with Ame rica. Lord North said, he should not oppose the present motion, but it would subject those who were to act under it to some difficulty from the manner in which it was expressed. ministers, who were the directors of the executive operations of the army, and not on those whose duty it was to act accord. ing to their orders. General Conway declared he did not understand his lordship's distinction. He could not see any hardship in the words of his motion, on military men. If a mini ter did not send out the orders of the House to officers in command, the minister would be criminal in case the orders were disobeyed; but if ministers did send then out, and if after that officers presumed t carry on offensive war, then the officen would be guilty and not the minister. Mr. Dunning thought the word "a tempting" extremely necessary, and the the word "directing" would leave a discr tionary power in officers to act as they pleased. Mr. Pulteney conceived lord Howe's Mr. T. Pitt was of opinion, that the amendment a very necessary one. If the resolution of Wednesday was so clear, word" attempting" was suffered to t that it was not possible that its true main in the motion, all military disciplin meaning could be misunderstood: if that was at an end. And in that case, le part of it which declared, that the war should not wonder if a corporal was to s should be no longer be carried on in Ame- fuse to obey his officers, on a pretence the rica, seemed to admit of any difficulty, it his compliance would militate against the was sufficiently cleared away by the sub- orders of parliament. sequent part-" for the impracticable object of reducing the colonies to obedience by force." If the question was merely military, he must at that time make a very awkward figure in speaking upon it; but it was of a political nature; it was whether the war should be prosecuted on the continent of North America for the purpose of subduing it by force? To this question it was perfectly competent for him to speak; and therefore he was free ta say that such a war was completely condemned by the resolution. Viscount Howe thought the wording of the motion would embarrass officers in their conduct. The word, "attempting" appeared to him to go a great deal too far: it comprehended all the officers of the army, who might, in certain situations, be greatly embarrassed on the question, whether they could do their necessary military duty, without flying in the face of the House. He understood the meaning himself, but as he felt that officers acting at a distance might not, he thought it due from him as a professional man, to rise on their behalf, and beg to have the difficulty removed. This might easily be done by omitting the word "attempting," and substituting the word directing, which would rest the responsibility altogether on Mr. William Pitt hoped there neve would be room for any one to enterta an idea that ministers were too big f punishment, and out of the reach of p liament: that House had drawn the line. and he made no doubt but those whe should transgress it, would find that par liament did not want power to bring them to punishment, let their rank be what might: it was not therefore because the House could not punish the ministers b should disobey its orders, that responsib lity was extended to those who should receive commands from ministers, contrary to the sense of that House, and obey them; but solely that there should not exist a possibility of ministers first disobeying the orders of the House, and then shifting the blame on the shoulde of their officers. He could by no mean agree, that the discipline of the army would be affected in the least degree, and certainly it was proper that some person should be responsible for their conduct in the business; for ministers who wished to carry on this destructive war, would probably not act directly contrary to the resolution of that House themselves, yet they might give their generals such or ders, that the whole end of parliamen might be defeated; certainly then those people) and those ministers who wished to make the crown follow a plan of conduct directly opposite to the advice of his faithful Commons. This answer of the ministry, coupled with their language in that House, was perfectly intelligible; for here they declared, and particularly the minister for the American department, that the best way to conclude a peace with America was to make them feel the calamities of war. This expression the new secretary of state had made use of but a few days before. His Majesty, he sincerely believed, wished to conclude peace with America, as his faithful Commons had advised him; but his ministers undoubtedly meant no such thing, for their language was different. Mr. Fox rose, he said, to speak but a few words on the motion, for as the noble lord in the blue ribbon had said that he should not oppose it, there was no occasion for him to enter into any detail of argument in defence of the proposition; some things, however, had dropt from the noble lord, on which he must animadvert. But he nust first beg leave to say that he was one of those who were completely and totally lissatisfied with the Answer of the Crown to he Address of that House. When he spoke But the noble lord had said, that he n this manner, he would undoubtedly be never would, nor should any man presume understood to mean, that he was dissatis- to act in contradiction to the voice of the ied with the Answer which his Majesty's majority of that House; nor dare to call it ninisters had advised his Majesty to give. in question; nor dare to abuse it, in any t was the Answer of the ministers, and, shape. For his own part, he must claim mong others, of that minister, who had, to himself the right of declaring his opinion in that day, been heard to declare, that freely and fully of the conduct of parliae disapproved of the resolution of the ment, in discharge of his own conscience, House on which the Address was founded; and of his duty. When majorities acted hey had put an answer into the mouth of wrong in his opinion, he would, both within is Majesty which he could not approve that House, and out of it, declare his disf, because it was not an answer sufficiently approbation of their conduct: but the lear and specific. For what did it say? noble lord pronounced it, as the indispenThat his Majesty would be graciously sible duty of a minister to hold the deci leased to put an end to the offensive war sion of the majorities of that House in the arried on in America, for the purpose of strictest reverence. Had he always done educing the Americans to obedience by so? Did he not remember the vote of a orce? No. But that his Majesty would majority of that House, declaring that the ake such measures as shall appear to him influence of the crown ought to be dimithat is, as should appear to his ministers) nished? What, then, was his duty upon onducive to the restoration of harmony. that occasion? Surely to second the enCould this be satisfactory? Parliament had deavours of that majority, to reduce the inointed out the specific means by which to fluence. Did he so? No. He there counccomplish the object; namely, by putting teracted, opposed, and at last defeated and n immediate stop to offensive war; but his destroyed the desire of that House; nay, Majesty's ministers, instead of declaring in he advised the crown in a shameful manheir answer that they would guide them-ner, to dissolve the parliament before its elves by this advice, make his Majesty delare that they will take such steps as apDear to them conducive to the object. He was not in the House when the motion for in address of thanks was agreed to, as he understood, unanimously; if he had, notwithstanding what he had just said, he should have voted for it, for he was careful to distinguish between the obligation that was due to his Majesty personally for the grace of his answer (and he sincerely believed that his Majesty was, in his royal mind, most graciously disposed to restore the blessings of peace to his unhappy regular period, lest they should, in another session, carry into execution the resolutions of a former. Did he not, by his conduct, bring upon that House, the disgrace and ignominy of having declared what was their duty, and afterwards failed to perform it? If the noble lord sought for credit in his declarations of respect for the decision of majorities, let him now come to the resolution of the 6th of April, 1780, and reduce the influence of the crown, and then he would be considered as a fair man; but the noble lord would otherways incur the censure of saying things in argument which he by no means meant to abide by. His situation was truly embarrassing. He had said in debate the other evening, and he had said it by way of menace, that if the voice of the House should be against him, that was undoubtedly by being against the principle and system of his administration, he should no longer continue in place. The House had been against him; the majority of the House was against him; and still the noble lord kept his place. Such was his respect for majorities, and such the credit that ought to be given to his declarations in that House! But it was no way strange, that he should now affect to pay regard to the decision of majorities; he stood in a situation which, he would be bound to say, had not been precedented since the Revolution; he remained in place when the House had condemned the system. Being then to carry on measures contrary to his own opinion, what must be done? When he went into his sovereign's presence, he must address him in language to the following effect: "I am come, Sire, to advise you to a measure, which is expressly contrary to my own opinion, and to all I ever told you; but, however, it is the opinion of a majority of the House of Commons." The noble lord was to gather every thing from the opinion of that House, since he seemed resolved to carry on measures of which he disapproved, if this country should be so reduced, so poor in spirit, or so indifferent as to suffer a minister to have the conduct of affairs in a moment so dangerous as the present, when he dared not to execute his own plans. The free, incorrupt voice of the majority of that House was, indeed, respectable. He did respect it; and respecting that, he must condemn and despise the majorities of another description, which the minister had procured by means of corruption. When he saw a majority, composed of contractors, whom a majority of that House had previously declared to be ineligible to sit there, he could not respect that majority. The House having, by solemn resolutions, declared contractors, the lords of trade, and certain other officers of the state, incapable of sitting in that House, he could not afterwards respect a majority made up of those men alone. He thanked God that the House of Commons had come to the resolutions of Friday last. Whatever were their present effects, they must, in the end, be decisive; for they had, by these resolutions, broken, destroyed, and annihilated the principle and basis of the present system, they had overcome corruption; and the system, thus deprived of its foundation, must crumble into pieces. It was impos sible to believe that the ministry could be so daring and profligate as to go on after what had happened on Wednesday last they could not have the presumption, surely, after the tidings that had come that day; they could not be impudent enough to go on, That day they had heard that the important island of Minorca was lost; that the garrison, consisting of 1,500 men, had surrendered prisoners of war; and that there were circumstances in the low of this island, which made it particularr criminal in ministers; for, besides the lo of the garrison, he understood that there were several regiments now on their way to relieve the place. In the last war, te loss of this important fortress and island, drove a much greater ministry than the present from their seats. The nation would not then suffer loss, disgrace, and calamity, without calling their rulers to a severe account. Would they now sufer loss after loss, disaster after disaster! Were they so habituated to defeat? Had ministry made them so familiar with sorrow that they could now bear loss with out a complaint? He hoped not. He had heard that day another report; he st cerely hoped it was not true; he had as other reason for believing it, but the pre bability, that the most important island re maining to us in the West Indies, except Jamaica, he meant St. Kitt's, was take He desired ministers to inform the House, if it was true that this calamity also had come upon us; and where they meant t stop; when they would confess that they had done enough. From his soul, he be lived, that such was their accursed ob stinacy, that even when they had lost ninetenths of the King's dominions, they would not be satisfied till they had mangled and destroyed the last miserable tenth alsopride and obstinacy was so predominant in their natures! He could not help observing with ples sure, the triumph of men in every quarter, on the resolutions of the House on Wednesday last. The exultation, the triumph, the hope, painted and expressed in every countenance, was a test of the desire which they had for the object recommended in that House; and the consequences that it had produced on the funds, and on the credit of the nation, were also inconceiv |