who wished to succeed, there was any settled system or agreement, and therefore it would be for the good of the public the he himself should stay in, and continue office to prevent, as he had hitherto done. confusion in the state, and the introduc tion of principles which might not be cor stitutional; with this view he was deter. mined not to go out of office, until b should receive his royal master's command so to do, or till the sense of that Hous expressed in the clearest manner, sho point out to him the propriety of with drawing. As to the emoluments of offe God knew that though they were inder. much greater than his abilities deserve still were they forty times greater the they were, they could not compensate f the anxiety and vexations incident to sit tions, aggravated by the uncandid treement he frequently met in that House: was not love of power or greatness determined him to hold his place, so le as his sovereign and parliament we.. permit; he spoke in the presence of me who knew how little he was attached either; but there was a certain pride office which prevented him from resigning and he would so far listen to that pr that he would not resign until he could it with gratitude to his gracious sovereig and to the public, from whom he had for. so great support during the course of administration. a Bill of the nature of that which was now in question, he certainly had not always been a friend; because he had always thought inferences might be drawn from it, by no means conducive to peace: but he no longer feared, that the Bill would give room for those inferences, because he knew they must be already drawn from another measure already adopted by that House-the resolution of Wednesday last. To the policy of that resolution he could not subscribe, but as parliament had thought proper to pass it, and as ministers were bound to obey the orders of parliament, so he should make that resolution the standard of his future conduct. The hon. gentleman had said, that there were persons in Europe authorised to treat of peace between Great Britain and America; if so, the propriety of passing the Bill now in question, must appear the more striking to gentlemen; because it must facilitate that peace, for which all parties seemed to wish-so ardently. But then the present ministers could not be fit to negociate for peace, because a proffered mediation had not been followed with good effects. For his part, when he opened the last year's loan, he had said that there was a tendency towards a peace; a general mediation had been offered; at that time nothing specific had been proposed; and therefore he had made use of the expression, a tendency towards a peace, and a stronger one he ought not to have used, without going farther than the state of the negociation would admit. The hon. member was kind enough to offer his services in a negociation; but he would not take any part with the present administration; and the reason he assigned was, that he could not trust his honour in their hands for a moment that were without any principle of honour or honesty: these were good and substantial reasons, and better certainly could not be assigned; and the same should serve him against the hon. member. He would never employ a person who publicly declared that he could not have confidence in him. He was entitled to say just as much of that hon. gentleman; and therefore he would not Lord North jocosely said, that he trust his honour in the hands of that gen-doubtedly had prevented much confusion tleman; and thinking of him as he did, and if he had not prevented more, it w he was determined not to employ him as because there were others who had greater his negociator. The hon. member seemed abilities to create confusion than he had to be in a great hurry to get the places of to prevent it. He maintained that hu ministers; at least he was in a great hurry language both on this day and Wednesday, to drive them from their places, though he was the same, respecting resignation: be was not able to learn that among those said on Wednesday, and he now repeated Mr. Fox assured the noble lord, wh he said he was dishonourable in privat transactions, he meant in such as were s a half public, half private nature; and bet at all in his private character, or in suc part of his public character as related t money matters, in which he was ready to admit that he stood clear from every in putation. He wished, however, in every other respect, it would be believed the he had spoken no harsher than he meant He ridiculed the idea of the noble lord's remaining in office to prevent confusion and was surprised at the difference whic he found in the noble lord's language on this day and Wednesday last, relative to resignation. Et, that if any one branch of the legislature should so far withdraw confidence from the executive power, as to interfere on all occasions, and give particular direcions how the executive power should proceed, it would be better, and more constitutional, entirely to remove the ministers, than to leave power in their hands, after confidence had been withdrawn: and he added on Wednesday, and repeated t now, that if he found himself so little the object of the confidence of parliament, as that every day he should find that pariament was under the necessity of directng him how to act, he would undoubtedy, in that case, retire from office. But is long as parliament should not think it ecessary to remove him either by a vote, r by totally withdrawing their confidence, -the hon. member would excuse him, if e should resolve to retain his situation. The committee agreed to the motion vithout a division. New Taxes-Call of the House, &c.] March 6. Sir Joseph Mawbey claimed he attention of the House to what he alled an indecent behaviour in ministers, who always took care to have inserted in he Gazette every Address from any little altry borough that flattered or cringed o them, but the important Address to his Majesty, to put an end to the cursed American war, and his Majesty's Answer o it, had not yet made its appearance; he herefore desired to know the cause of uch neglect. Lord Surrey declared, that however ndecent ministers had behaved on former Occasions, and with respect to the late Address, they had never behaved in so shameful a manner as on Friday last; for when the House went up with the Address, who should they see close to his Majesty's right hand but that most determined foe to America, general Arnold. Surely if ministers had the least particle of shame left in them, they would have advised his Majesty otherwise, and not so wantonly have insulted the people. Lord North desired the House would permit him to postpone going into the taxes, as he was not ready, owing, in a great measure, to the hurry of business, and the late hours which the House had for some time past sat. He was exceedingly sorry he should so far trespass on their indulgence, but he trusted their candour would excuse him, as he would very shortly name a day, and stand to it. Mr. Burke did not rise to oppose allowing the noble lord the indulgence he requested, but thought it rather extraordinary, that on the 6th of March the noble lord should come forward and say he was not prepared with his taxes to pay the interest for a loan which had been voted above a week. If the noble lord, who by the nature of his office could procure every information possible, was not prepared on the taxes he meant to produce, was it reasonable to suppose that persons, totally unacquainted with them, could, with a degree of justice to their constituents, vote those taxes at first sight? If the taxes the noble lord meant to produce were grounded on the former ones, such as doubling the excise laws, or any thing of the kind, the House would be prepared to debate on the subject; but if they were, as the noble lord mentioned on opening the budget, numerous and novel, it was nothing but fair that he should give the House some information what they were. He had himself just looked over the blessed fruits of the noble lord's administration, and there he found that we were loaded with ten new taxes, viz. beer, wine, soap, leather, houses, coaches, post-chaises, post-horses, stamps, and servants, (a friend here hinted to him that he had forgot sugar) upon which he said he had totally forgot sugar; but to be sure, now we had lost St. Kitt's, and in all human probability should soon lose Barbadoes and Jamaica, it was not extraordinary he should have forgot that valuable article, as we shall soon have no sugar to tax.He did not wonder the noble lord was at a loss about new taxes; for what fresh burthen could he add to this unhappy nation? We were already taxed, if we rode, or if we walked; if we staid at home, or if we went abroad; if we were masters or if we were servants; if we drank wine, or if we drank beer; and, in short, we were taxed every way possible. Thus, after being taxed in the manner mentioned, he had endeavoured to see how the account could stand, when viewed in a mercantile form, and the first thing was, debtor by loss, one hundred million of money; he next looked for a creditor side, and what rendered it most curious was, that there it stood, creditor by loss; we had purchased one hundred million worth of national disasters, and the whole, when in one view, appeared as follows: Debtor by loss: one hundred million of money, Creditor by loss: one hundred thousand men, and the loss of Massachusets, Penn- | merable oppressions, that even the noble sylvania, New-York, Virginia, Maryland, lord was at a loss how to distress them any South Carolina, North Carolina, Florida, farther. His constituents, he said, felt Georgia, Delaware, New Jersey, Rhode severely the fatal effects of the noble lord's Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire, St. administration; and indeed the whole naVincent, Grenada, Dominica, Tobago, tion felt them, too, severely; for he had, St. Christopher's, Senegal, Pensacola and by a determined obstinacy to keep in place, Minorca, which, at a moderate computa- ruined above nine-tenths of the British tion, produced to this country annually, dominions, and seemed equally determined four million five hundred and fifty thousand to ruin what little remained. The noble pounds. Now, as the account stood in lord had lately talked of his gratitude, and such an advantageous manner, it was im- that he only staid in office to see his counpossible but the public must see the cause try righted. In the name of God, what of the noble lord's gratitude, which he good could the country expect from a man talked of so much on Tuesday last; he whose whole administration had been one undoubtedly owed much gratitude to his continued scene of blunders! From the sovereign, for keeping him for losing so noble lord's confession to-day, he had many valuable dominions, and he owed proved himself what he always took him much gratitude to the public; but he de- for, namely, an ignorant and bad financier, sired the noble lord would inform the a man totally unacquainted with the re House, whether he meant to raise, by his sources of the country, and certainly unf new taxes, the sum of 800,000l. merely and unworthy of the office he held. He to pay the interest of the new loan, or had said, his taxes were novel, and u whether he meant to raise 1,300,000l. to certain in their produce; it was unneces pay both the interest and deficiencies of his sary for him to have mentioned the latter, other taxes. This was a thing the noble lord for the deficiencies of the noble lord's ought to do, as it was very material, and former taxes, which were annually added, what he owed in gratitude to that House. and of consequence became an additional The noble lord had told them he would load upon our shoulders, plainly proved it. continue in his office out of gratitude to The taxes the noble lord meant to pro the people. Gratitude! the noble lord's duce on Monday next, were supposed to gratitude! Oh, Sir, said Mr. Burke, ad- raise 793,000l. the interest of the ne dressing himself to the Speaker, the noble loan; but whether they would produces lord's gratitude is like that of another or 400,000l. the noble lord was totally fallen angel like himself, described by the ignorant. Thus he went on year after poet: year, making taxes which were inefficient for the purpose intended, and consequently must add fresh burthens; therefore it be came the duty of the noble lord to men tion to the House when he intended to propose taxes to pay off the former def ciencies, which otherwise would remain & dead weight to whoever should succeed the noble lord in office. The way for minister to establish his credit with the public, would be to have his taxes ready, and those substantial, at the time he came and asked for a supply; not to borrow so large, so enormous a sum, and then be at a loss how to pay even the interest. It was conduct such as he never remem bered, and what must stamp indelible di grace on the noble lord, who, in a former debate, a few evenings since, said, "you should not speak out and declare your "The debt immense of endless gratitude So burthensome,, still paying, still to owe:" so with the noble lord, his debt immense of gratitude was endless, and could never be discharged, and therefore he had presumed to fly in their face and to insult them with such language as ought to be reprobated by every man in the House, who had a sense of the decency due to parliament, from the noble lord, and how ill it became him of all men, to say that he would continue in his office out of gratitude. Lord North said, he would, on Monday next, without fail, bring in the taxes; and he only meant to raise 800,000l. to pay the interest of the new loan. Mr. Fox, on this, attacked his lordship with uncommon force. The noble lord had at last confessed himself totally ex-readiness for peace, it will prevent your hausted in point of finance, and no longer able to raise taxes to pay the interest of a debt, occasioned by his cursed American war; the people were loaded with innu getting such good terms as you have & right to demand." Could any thing speak out plainer to our enemies than the noble lord had done himself that day? Had be not declared to all the world, that this nation was incapable of any longer carrying on a war, by saying he was unable to raise more taxes? The greatest piece of delusion the noble lord had been guilty of, was in keeping the nation in profound darkness with respect to the state of their affairs. He deluded them by a set of taxes which they were led to believe were sufficient for the purposes intended; therefore, the public suffered him to go on, not knowing their situation; if they did, long before this would they have cried out against him, and awakened from that state of lethargy which had been so disgraceful to them, and so ruinous to their country. He would conclude with declaring a firm belief that the last token of the noble lord's gratitude, would be the losing of Barbadoes and Jamaica, after which, there being aothing more worth giving up, he supposed his lordship would quit his office. Sir Joseph Mawbey said, as the noble ord had deferred his taxes until Monday, and the call of the House stood for tonorrow, the call should be put off until a proper day, that gentlemen might not eave town at a time when such material business was likely to come on; he should herefore move, That the order for the call to-morrow be discharged; which was lone. He then moved, That the House e called over on Thursday se'nnight; apon which, Mr. Rolle got up, and proposed an mendment, by inserting the words, "three months" instead of "se'nnight," which was seconded by Mr. C. Turner. The Speaker said, the first question for the call of the House had been withdrawn, on a full assurance that no opposition would take place on the worthy baronet's secord motion. Mr. C. Turner declared, his reason for opposing it was, because he thought the call of the House a mere farce, a nonsensical thing, and quite unnecessary. If members would not attend without being compelled, they were unworthy of being members, and ought not to have a seat. If the present times would not make them attend, no call of the House could be of service. An hon. gentleman (Mr. Rigby) had frequently called opposition a rope of sand, but had been answered the other evening, that such a rope as it was, they could, when occasion required it, hold together by the firmest of all ties, principle. The rope of sand had done a glorious work lately; but it was not one or two good acts that were sufficient to make him esteem a House which he had so long detested; they must go on, and the people must join them; for this was the time for the people to join parliament; if they did not, they deserved to be slaves as long as they lived. Parliament must give him greater proofs of their honesty than they had done, before he would believe them, or put any faith in their works. He loved the Hano verian succession, he was fond of a Hanover king, while he continued to act for the good of his people, and he would in the greatest distress prove his love, by putting his hand in his pocket and helping to support him; but if the King acted against his people, and endeavoured to gain a corrupt controul over his parliament, he would be the first to join the French, or any other power, against such a king; for he wanted none of the luxuries of the present age, he could live upon one-third of his estate, and would, sooner than submit to the present set of ministers, retire to Switzerland, or some other remote corner of the earth, to spend the remainder of his days. The present ministers stiled opposition a rope of sand; he called the ministry in return a rope of onions, for they stunk in the nose of all England, and would, he hoped, either rot all together, or speedily drop off one by one. The question being put, that the word "se'nnight" stand part of the question, the House divided: Debate in the Commons on Lord John Cavendish's Resolutions of Censure on his Majesty's Ministers.] Mar. 8. Lord John Cavendish said, that the business to which he took the liberty to call the attention of the House, was of the most serious nature, and of the last importance to the state. The great and splendid empire of Britain was nearly overturned; calamity, disgrace, and disaster were pouring upon us from every quarter; and the measure of our misfortunes was likely to be soon completed by the loss of all our dominions in America and the West Indies: if it was yet possible to prevent any part of such disaster from being completed, it was only by investigating the cause of our calami ties; for until that should be ascertained, it would be impossible to find out, or ap ply a remedy to the evil. In endeavouring to explore that cause, and ascertain the most effectual means to remove it, he assured the House he was not under the influence of any other passion than that of love for his country: from the present ministry either collectively or individually, he had never received a personal incivility; and therefore the gratification of resentment could not be ascribed to him as a motive for the measures he was going to propose. He never had asked or received a favour from any former administration that he had supported; and he was determined, let who would be ministers, never to ask a favour at their hands; therefore he hoped the House would give him credit, when he assured them that in any change of ministers he entertained not the least idea of any personal interest to himself; if he could serve his country, the great object of his wishes would be completely gratified. He intended to propose to the House a string of resolutions, so clearly founded in fact, that he did not know that any one could venture to controvert them. When he looked round for the causes of our calamities, the first thing that struck him was the profusion with which the public supplies had been voted. The sums already voted for the present disastrous and disgraceful war, under the three heads of navy, army, and ordnance, amounted to the immense total of 100,000,000l. to this sum he might add the difference between the navy debt at the end of the year 1774, and that of the present year; which, with a few items, still to be voted for the service of the current year, would swell the total to 103,000,000l. The taxes which the war had made it necessary to impose already exceeded 3,000,000l. annually. In the last glorious war we had been led from victory to victory, from conquest to conquest, and the taxes laid on during the war, amounted to no more than 2,500,000%. What a difference in the sums! What a difference in the consequences of the expenditure of both! At the end of the last war, the whole world was at our feet; and there was not in the world a navy but our own. In this disgraceful war, we had already spent infinitely more money; and purchased nothing but losses and disgrace: America was gone, Minorca was no more, and our dominion in the West Indies nearly anni hilated; while our navy was every where inferior to that of our numerous and combined enemies. Could the nation, if woful experience had not demonstrated it, have imagined or suspected, from the sums voted for the navy, that we should be every where inferior to the enemy, on an element where we used to ride. triumphant, and where we had been fondly taught to think that we should still continue to triumph No man could have thought such a thing, if he had read the list of sums voted by parliament, for the use of the nav During the peace, the naval establish ment had been kept up so high, that doubled any former peace establishment in this kingdom; the reason assigned was, that it had become necessary alway to have a respectable naval force in read. ness, for sudden emergencies, and to keep in awe the neighbouring maritime power But had that object been accomplished! Had the neighbouring powers been kept in awe? The very reverse; for they were suffered to raise a most formidable marine, whilst our own, notwithstanding the in mense sums voted for it, seemingly de creased in proportion as that of our ene mies increased. If this was an event, which from the nature of things might have naturally been expected, why ha ministers shewn so little foresight as ta provoke the different wars in which we were actually engaged? The Americaa war, the source and origin of all the others, might surely have been avoided; but since ministers had rashly and unwisej run into it, why had they not taken the wise precaution of securing friends on the continent, in order to prevent a war with France and the rest of the House of Bour bon? This was an unpardonable neglect, which ministers could not attempt to pai liate, but by a defence, which, of itself, would be sufficient to prove that they were unfit to govern a state, namely, by proving that they wanted foresight. He feared they wanted something else; be feared they wanted their senses; for upon no other ground could he account for the war into which they had hurried us with Holland. The Dutch were our oldest friends and allies; they had been allied to us for more than a century; they were bound to us by a thousand ties of interest and of principle; but these ties were dis severed; and these our old friends and allies were pronounced to be enemies. This was a fatal declaration; and though |