and bold as it had been that day; and he wished that he should be always able to preserve on his countenance that lively smile, which in times like the present, when the nation was nearly undone, must by every one be thought so very becoming: for his own part, he was not by temper an accuser, and therefore he would not say, that he ever would move an enquiry into the conduct of the noble viscount, and his colleagues; but, at the same time that he declared he was not by emper an accuser, he would assure the oble viscount, that he was not, by chaacter, a screener of culprits; and that if thers should be desirous to bring forward hat enquiry which the noble viscount apeared so much to court, and from which he could not tell with what ground for onfidence) he promised himself so much onour, he never would stand between hat minister and his colleagues, to shield r screen them from enquiry, and the onsequences that might attend it. His rdship concluded by observing that, as e could discover they did not wish him > make his motion then, he would supress it for the present. The House adjourned to the 25th; and n the 25th, again adjourned to the 11th f April. March 25. The House of Commons as uncommonly crowded, as the converation of the day was, that at twelve clock that day the negociation was not oncluded; but as soon as the private usiness was over, Mr. Dunning rose, and said that it was ith peculiar satisfaction he found himself nabled, through some communication he ad had that day with a most respectable ember of the upper House, to inform entlemen that arrangements were now naking for forming a New Administration, which he trusted would meet the wishes if that House, and of the nation at the arge. In order, therefore, to give time or the final adjustment of those arrangenents, he would move that the House should adjourn to Wednesday. This, he said, was a short interval; but he hoped it would be long enough to effect those arrangéments so much and so ardently wished for by the whole nation. Lord Surrey expressed his satisfaction at hearing that such arrangements were likely to take place, as would render it unnecessary for him to trouble the House with his intended motion. He cautioned gentlemen, however, to beware of thinking that their work was complete; a new administration was not their sole object; it was desirable only in as much as it would contribute to save the state; but the ship was not yet in port; and he was afraid that the united efforts of the greatest abilities of our statesmen, and the greatest exertion of our officers, would be barely able to save her. The Lord Advocate took the opportunity of saying, before the question was put, that if no proceedings had taken place in consequence of the reports from the Secret Committee, it was not his fault; the state of affairs for the last three weeks had been such, that it was impossible to hring that business before the House: however, as it was of the greatest importance that something should be done on the occasion, he gave notice, that if some person of greater weight and abilities would not take up the business, he should hold himself bound to bring it forward the very first opportunity after the recess. General Smith rose, not to oppose, but to enforce the arguments of the learned lord: our affairs in India were such, he said, that our settlements in that part of the world would be in the greatest danger, if notice should not be sent out in the course of a month, that some measures were likely to be soon taken by parliament, for the better government of our possessions in that part of the world. The month of March was already nearly at an end, and nothing had yet been done on the reports of the two committees. If something was not determined on, respecting the subject of both reports, before that day month, he verily believed, conse quences of a very serious sort, and extremely prejudicial to the interests of this country, would ensue; he therefore hoped the earliest opportunity of entering upon the business, that should offer after the recess, would be taken by the learned lord, and that the House would pay the subject the attention it merited. The question was then put, and the House adjourned*. *During the adjournment, the New Administration was formed under the auspices of the Marquis of Rockingham. The New Cabinet was thus composed: Marquis of Rockingham, First Lord of the Treasury. Earl of Shelburne, Hon. Charles James Fox, Principal Secretaries of State, (The third Se cretaryship abolished.) March 27. Colonel Luttrell addressed the House in a very serious manner. He said, that, from the regard he bore to all that now remained of the British empire, he felt it to be proper to call their attention to the present state of Ireland, from which kingdom he had just arrived. He wished to convey information to the ministers of this country, whoever they might be, relative to the situation of the country. Ireland was at present in so perturbed a situation, that if some measures were not timely adopted to restore it to tranquillity, the most serious consequences might be apprehended: tumults might arise, and confusion swallow up order and regularity. The temper and disposition of the Irish, he knew, at present, to be such, that it would be both practicable and easy to satisfy them; but if any time was lost, he would not answer for the consequences. Here he was call ed to order, by Mr. Byng, who apologized for interrupting his hon. friend. He had called him to order, though in fact he could not say that he was disorderly; but as his hon. friend had risen to convey information to the new ministers, he only wished to re Lord John Cavendish, Chancellor of the Exchequer. Admiral Keppel, (created a Viscount), First Lord of the Admiralty. Duke of Grafton, Lord Privy Seal. Lord Camden, President of the Council. Duke of Richmond, Master-General of the Ordnance. Lord Thurlow, to continue Chancellor. General Conway, Commander in Chief of the Forces. John Dunning, esq., Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and created Baron Ashburton. Besides the above, which composed the Cabinet, the following arrangements took place: Duke of Manchester, Lord Chamberlain. Viscount Chewton, Vice Chamberlain. Viscount Weymouth, Groom of the Stole. Earl of Jersey, Master of the BuckHounds. Earl of Carlisle, Lord Steward of the Household. Lord Rivers, Lord of the Bed-chamber. Earl of Effingham, Treasurer of the Household. Earl of Ludlow, Comptroller of ditto. Lord de Ferrars, Captain of the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners. Lord Viscount Althorpe, James Grenville, esq., Frederic Montagu, esq., Lords of the Treasury. mind him that none of them were then in the House, and to conjure him not to pro ceed in so very delicate a subject at present; but to give the ministers in private that information which he was so properly anxious to communicate to them. He could venture to assure him, that those ministers, of whom he neither was nor intended to be one, would be happy to receive his information, and would take every step which wisdom could suggest for heal ing the uneasiness of Ireland. Colonel Luttrell replied, that he did nx as yet know who the ministers were; how. ever, in compliance with the wish of his hon. friend, he was willing to suppress in the present what he intended to say the subject, and to wait till the new mi nisters should be settled in office, when he would communicate faithfully and tru his sentiments relative to the present state of Ireland; he would therefore contex himself for the present, with saying th the attention of the new ministry com not be too soon turned to the affairs of Ire land; and nothing ought to be omitted to conciliate the affections of the people d that country. The Lord Advocate brought up seven! reports from the Secret Committee Sir Robert Harland, bart., Hugh Pigot, e Lord Duncannon, Hon. John Townshend ( Brett, esq R. Hopkins, esq., Lords Comm sioners of the Admiralty. Richard Brinsley Sheridan, esq. Thoms Orde, esq., Under Secretaries of State. Lloyd Kenyon, esq., Attorney General. John Lee, esq., Solicitor-General. Hon. Thomas Townshend, Secretary & War. Right Hon. Isaac Barré, Treasurer of the Navy. Edmund Burke, esq., Paymaster-Genen! of the Forces. Earl of Tankerville, Right Hon. H. F Carteret, Joint Postmaster General Lord William Gordon, Vice Admiral d Scotland. Sir William Howe, Lieutenant General the Ordnance. Hon. Thomas Pelham, Surveyor General of ditto. Lord Howe (created a Viscount), to com mand the grand Fleet. Sir Fletcher Norton, created Lord Grantley. Duke of Portland, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Earl of Scarborough, Sir George Yonge, bart., Joint Vice-Treasurers of Ireland. Colonel Fitzpatrick, Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant. Lieut. General Burgoyne, Commander in Chief of the Forces in Ireland. India affairs; and gave notice, that as he | sumed that it would be expected of him thought it absolutely necessary, that some to say something of affairs in which he steps should be speedily taken respecting himself had borne a part, and to propose our settlements in India, he would, on the some measure which should tend to confirst Tuesday after the recess, move to ciliation with Ireland, in the present very have the reports taken into consideration. alarming situation of that kingdom; it was New writs were then moved for, for his intention therefore, before he sat down, such gentlemen as had vacated on account to make a motion on that subject; but first of their accepting offices. he thought it would be proper to give a short sketch of the history of Irish affairs for the last two years. Debate in the Commons on the Affairs of Ireland.] April 8. As soon as the ceremony of swearing in the re-elected and new members was over, Colonel Luttrell rose and reminded the House, that, previous to the recess, he had expressed a desire to say something elative to the very critical situation of [reland, and that he had been prevented rom indulging that desire by a request rom an hon. member, that he would not ntroduce any question upon so important subject in the absence of his Majesty's ninisters, who having been at that time ust appointed, had vacated their seats in hat House, and consequently could not e present at the discussion of a subject, which he owned ought not to be agitated without them: that the same hon. member ad requested he would speak to them, efore he should say any thing relative to reland in that House; and assured him t the same time, that he would find the new servants of the crown most ready to lo every thing in their power to promote he welfare and happiness of every part of is Majesty's dominions. He had given way to the desire of the hon. member, and ad conferred with two of the new miisters, and he felt himself bound to say ublicly of them, that he found them exremely well disposed to do every thing in eason to quiet the discontents of the peole of Ireland: as far as they were conerned he was satisfied; but as he then aw in his place a right hon. gentleman Mr. Eden) who knew best the situation of Ireland, he certainly wished that before is return, the right hon. gentleman would xplain to the House a little of the preent posture of affairs in that kingdom. Mr. Eden thought that in the situation n which Ireland then stood, the eyes of nen were turned upon him, who being a nember of the legislature of that kinglom, as well as of this, and at the same ime in a ministerial capacity in the former, must be supposed to be well acquainted with the nature of the jealousies and demands of the people of Ireland: he pre He said, that, when the Acts passed in England, for enlarging the trade of Ireland, and admitting that kingdom to an equal participation of trade with England, the people of the former, instead of being filled with gratitude for the blessing which had been just extended to them, began to be jealous, lest they should lose that blessing which they prized so much; and, seeing before them the bright prospect which a free trade opened to their view, their first sentiment was fear, that, at some future period, the same power which had conferred, might resume that grant: and some circumstances occurred, which tended greatly to increase the fears of the people on this head; for in the very next session of the English parliament, Ireland was mentioned in four different Acts; so that the Irish were thereby alarmed, lest the power which assumed a right to bind Ireland, even after a free trade had been granted to her, might, when the circumstances of affairs would warrant such a proceeding, resort back again to that commercial monopoly which had just been broken; and they then began to look into their own constitution. It was true, that those four Acts, in which Ireland was bound, were not of a nature to afford grounds for any such apprehension; for they related to very trifling matters, no ways injurious, one of which, on the contrary, was beneficial to Ireland; but still they created jealousies, and gave rise to many arguments in the Irish House of Commons, where Mr. Grattan had formally complained of them, as subversive of the constitutional independence, as it was called, of the parliament of Ireland. The volunteers all complained of them; and when he mentioned the volunteers, he might be said to mention the whole nation, which, as with one voice, maintained that no power on earth had a right to legislate for Ireland, but the King and parliament of Ireland. In speaking of the volunteers, he must take that opportunity to bear his public testimony to their steady loyalty, and attachment to Great Britain, | Bill would certainly obviate the principal and their constant declarations that the inconveniences, that would otherwise re enemies of England should be the enemies sult from a declaration of what the pes of Ireland: but it was not by words only ple of Ireland called their rights, and a or professions, that they manifested their he saw plainly that such a declaration loyalty; they proved it by their deeds; could no longer be opposed with success, and when the combined fleets threatened he would now give way to necessity; and the country with an invasion, it was im- no longer oppose himself to such a ma possible to describe with what alacrity and sure; for in the present state and dispo spirit they made a tender of their services sition of Ireland, he would assure the to the lord lieutenant; and this, too, with- House that they might as well strive to out any previous communication among make the Thames flow up Highgate-hi, themselves, or concert whatsoever; for as to attempt to legislate for Ireland their noble and generous behaviour at that which would no longer submit to any alarming moment, his excellency had legislature but its own. What use the thought it necessary to express his ac- Irish would make of their legislative in knowledgments to them from the throne. dependence, he could not tell; but if he Previous to that session, the volunteers, could bring himself to think that they without marking any disposition to those would avail themselves of it in making measures which they had since adopted, any foreign connections, injurious to the were harmlessly amusing themselves with trade or interest of this kingdom, he v reviews, and military parade; and such an free to say, that sooner than agree to sub opposition was expected in parliament, as an independence, England ought to risk: every free government would wish to see good deal. But he believed a sensib formed, as such a constitutional opposition judicious people, like the Irish, would si must necessarily make ministers more ways see that the interests of both kn watchful and attentive to their duty. doms were so connected, that they cou not be separated without the greatest be to both; and therefore he trusted, that the Irish would never attempt to break the connection; he trusted also, that they wond adopt, from time to time, such laws of the country, as it would be for the interest both should be in force in both kingdom: and as no Irish Bill could pass into las, without the previous consent of the King in his council of England, so there no danger that the independence of th legislature of Ireland could be made we of to make laws injurious to the sister kingdom, the English council being sponsible for every advice they gave ther sovereign. When the session was opened, various were the questions introduced into the House of Commons, which he had not been able to approve, and which appearing to a majority of the House, in the same light as they did to him, he had been able to postpone: one was for a declaration of the rights of Ireland; another respecting the Mutiny Bill; a third for a Bill to quiet the proprietors who held estates in Ireland, under British acts of parliament. All these measures had appeared to the majority of the House, as very inexpedient; but still he must observe, that even the majority which had supported him, were friends to the principle of every one of these questions; and therefore they were only postponed and got rid of by the previous question; but not rejected. At length, a gentleman of very great character and abilities (Mr. Yelverton) wishing to steer a middle course, to satisfy the demands of the volunteers respecting a declaration of rights, and at the same time to prevent the mischiefs, or at least the inconveniences which might flow from such a declaration, unqualified, and untempered, had brought in a Bill for enacting into laws in Ireland, several statutes, which had been made in England: in this Bill he himself had taken no active part; but he would say this much of it, that it had his most hearty concurrence. As this Exclusive of the declaration of righs the volunteers, or in another word, in land, had called for an Habeas Corp Act, which as it was proper she stoc have, had not been opposed; and now a was part of the law of Ireland. They ind called also for an Act to make jadges dependent of the crown, by making them hold their commissions quamdiu se be gesserint: this was a reasonable demand and had consequently been complied with for a Bill was brought in to that effect; and it was now in its progress through parliament. An alteration of the Mutiny Bill was another thing which they looked for; he must needs say, he could not see the danger, which the enemies to what as called the perpetual clause in that ill, apprehended from it; however, as he ade no doubt but the people of Ireland ould be ready to adopt such regulations the parliament of England might, from me to time, make for the army, so he attered himself that the ground of aprehension, lest the regulations in Engnd and Ireland for the army should be ifferent, would be removed, and he saw o reason, why the wishes of the latter ould be any longer opposed on this ead; nay, he thought they ought not to e opposed, since new jealousies had lately een excited on that subject by a transetion in England: it was understood in eland that the name of that kingdom ould no longer be inserted in the Engh Mutiny Bill: and still, when that Bill is brought in, the word Ireland, as ual, stood part of it: it had, indeed, en since struck out, and the Bill passed thout it; but the minds of the voluners were not easy on the subject. A dification of Poyning's law was another ject which the Irish had greatly at art: on that he would not enlarge; but ntlemen would see that it should be anted; England had nothing to fear m the increased power of the Irish parment, as the consent of the King would be necessary to sanctify all their Having made these, and various other servations, he moved for leave to bring a Bill to repeal so much of the Act of 6th of George 1, as asserted a right the king and parliament of Great Brin to make laws to bind the kingdom 1 people of Ireland. He did not wish precipitate matters; but gentlemen 1st see the necessity of doing something edily, and without the loss of a mont, to prevent those consequences which was not for him so much as to think of: ey all knew that the parliament of Ired was to meet to-morrow. se'nnight, 1 Mr. Grattan would on that day prose to the House of Commons, a vote a declaration of rights. Would it not, refore, be expedient to anticipate the shes of Ireland on that head; and, to avince her of our sincere intention, give every security in our power for the manency of her constitution, and of t trade which she was so anxious to eserve? As for himself, he must set t on his return for Ireland, either that ght or to-morrow morning, and he should happy to have it in his power to carry over with him the agreeable tidings that the parliament of England was ready to give the Irish every satisfaction they could reasonably require. He did not desire that the Bill which he moved for should be immediately passed; all he looked for was a kind of pledge from that House to carry over with him to Ireland, that the English parliament would not oppose the favourite wish and determined resolution of the Irish: the Bill might lie over, until it should be known whether it would satisfy the Irish parliament or not: if it should, then it might be passed into a law; if the partial repeal he proposed should not please the Irish, then he would advise the total repeal of the 6th of George 1. But if neither partial nor total repeal would satisfy them, then he certainly should leave the law, as it now stood, without any alteration whatever. Mr. Courtenay rose, and said he would second the motion; lord Newhaven rose to do the same thing, and col. Luttrell was not willing to give up the point to either of them. After some dispute for the priority in speaking, the chair decided in favour of lord Newhaven, who said, that no man was less connected with the present administration than he was; and yet he thought it would have been proper to have given the new administration a little more time to turn their thoughts to the affairs of Ireland: however, as the motion had been made, he rose to give it his most hearty support; because he was perfectly satisfied that the measure was now become absolutely necessary. Colonel Luttrell said, that when he rose to second the motion, it was under the idea, that such a measure as was then proposed, would give general satisfaction to Ireland; if he thought it would not, he certainly would not second such a motion; because he would not consent to the repeal of the 6th of George 1, unless in a case of such emergency as the present, when he thought by such a repeal, he might quiet the minds and conciliate the affections of the people of Ireland; and therefore he called upon the right hon. gentleman, who had made the motion, to tell the House, whether he thought such a measure as he had just proposed, would produce the salutary effect that was expected from it? Mr. Eden could not undertake to say, that the measure proposed would give complete satisfaction to Ireland; and therefore would not pledge himself that it |