The fourth charge had perhaps less in it than any of the former. The reason admiral Parker did not stop before the Texel to prevent the Dutch from coming out, was, that he had a very great convoy to carry out, and another still more valuable to bring home: perhaps, indeed, this latter might be called the most valuable that had ever reached England; for it brought us home naval supplies of all sorts, sufficient for the exigencies of our whole navy for two years. He was free to confess at the same time he did not think it would be a very great mark of prudence in government to station a fleet in the Texel; he had never indeed served in the North Seas; but still was of opinion, the Texel would be too dangerous a station for a squadron. The uncertainty of the latitude in which the vice-admiral might be met with, was the reason why the Sampson had not been sent to him directly: but she was sent to the Gun Fleet, where the admiral was acquainted by a frigate, which sailed before the Sampson was ready, she might be found, if he should stand in need of her. His lordship expressed his satisfaction, that the hon. member had discovered his error, with respect to the Berwick: from that circumstance, however, he hoped gentlemen would learn not to trust much to the hon. member's assertions, as they had now a proof that he often made them without any grounds; and he flattered himself that they would require sufficient evidence for every assertion made; though evidence was a thing which the hon. member did not seem 'much inclined to wish for; it was his worst enemy, as it detected in many instances, where he expected that his friends would swallow his assertions, for proofs; they had now a very recent instance that if they did, they would be the dupes of their own credulity. With regard to admiral Kempenfeldt's cruize nothing new came out that subject was so much discussed before the holidays, that not any light was thrown upon it.

As to commodore Stewart, to whom the hon. member had alluded, his character did not stand in need of his praise; and therefore it was unnecessary for him to say, that he was a gallant and an able officer. If the station, in which he had been placed by the Admiralty, had not appeared to him the most proper for watching the Dutch, he would have remonstrated against that station; and as he did not, it was flattering to the board

that an officer of his judgment should approve of the station. If, on the other hand, he did not intercept admiral Byland, there was every reason to believe that it was because the thing was impossible. Gentlemen would consider that tracks at sea were not like roads on shore, where there were turnpikes, at which those whom we might wish to secure must pass.-His lordship concluded by observing that the committee were going to pronounce on the character of an old and faithful ser vant of the crown; and as he trusted tha in either acquitting or condemning hia they would be swayed only by evidence,. so he trusted that they would find in the papers that had been read to them, ample evidence of the innocence, merit, and activity of the earl of Sandwich.

Lord Howe apologized to the commit tee for not being so well acquainted with the contents of the papers on the table a he could wish; but from what he had heard in the course of the debate, as well as from the extracts which were read, le begged leave to offer some remarks. In the article of frigates being stationed watch off Brest, he had the misfortune d differing with the noble lord (Mulgrave) even in his professional line, as he looked upon frigates sometimes to be necessary, and sometimes to be used with safety. No doubt quicker and more certain intel ligence was generally to be gained over land, but frigates could tell whether a enemy had sailed out of harbour or not, and consequently give that intelligence to the main fleet. From this his lordship animadverted rather on what a board Admiralty should do, than what the present board of Admiralty had done. Herg he went into a number of naval minutiæ; he particularly observed, that much should be left to the discretion of a commanding officer of tried skill and integrity, as so many things depended on the instant, which the board of Admiralty could not possibly know of, which, if neglected, the same occasion might never occur; he seemed to apply this last remark to the conduct of the Admiralty towards admiral Darby, as if sufficient powers were not given him at the time he put into Torbay, when the combined fleets were out. On this point his lordship took occasion to mention an anecdote of admiral Darby, very much to his honour; he said, that when that admiral was but a lieutenant of the second deck under admiral Rowley, he was pointed out to him, after a very

ployed last war, and had proved himself a steady friend to the public. It was unjust to decide upon his merit by a partial enquiry of four facts, which had been stated, but which he by no means would allow to be proved. He was of opinion, the motion for lord Sandwich's removal was far more just than the present one, which seemed to be framed and determined upon before the papers to give the information were read. The noble lord admitted that many of our best officers were unemployed, and disgusted, but it by no means appeared that they had any just cause for their disgust. Ministers were charged on mere suspicion: no proof whatever was given, and upon this conjectural accusation the House must decide.

Admiral Keppel confirmed lord Howe in every argument he made use of, and gave his hearty assent to the motion.

Sir Fletcher Norton declared, that it was his intention not to have spoken, but to have left it to abler hands; but when he observed professional men, and those of the first authority, give their sentiments, so corresponding with his own, he could not sit and give a silent vote. He then entered into the business with much judgment, and gave his hearty assent to the motion.

Mr. Sheridan commented on what had fallen from lord North; particularly the expression, that though there were many of the best officers disgusted, they had no cause of disgust. He condemned the noble lord for expressing such language, at a time when all the world knew and felt the treatment which the veteran commanders of the fleet had experienced. The hon. gentleman declared his abhorrence of language so disrespectful and unbecoming, after their shameless behaviour, by which their country had, in its worst moments, lost the benefit of assistance from such distinguished characters as a Keppel, a Howe, a Barrington, a Parker, a Harland, a Pigot, a Byron, and all the others whom they had driven into retirement. He repeated many of the gallant actions of these men, and spoke in high terms of the just influence which they possessed in the navy, and the credit which they had with the people. The

present was a time to speak out. Men must not now, from reasons of personal prudence, keep from the knowledge of their country, the reasons which induced, or which constrained them to relinquish the service. There were several of these

officers then present in the House, and he hoped they would now rise, fired at the insult offered them by the expression of the noble lord in the blue ribbon, and explain fully and clearly the reasons which they had for withdrawing. One of those admirals (Keppel) had given that expla nation. His reasons had been too evident to require disclosure; but there were other distinguished admirals in the House who had not been so explicit, and of whom all the world entertained the high. est opinion. From their accounts the House would see whether there was eithe:! decency or modesty in the language of the noble lord; and also whether, after such behaviour to men so eminent, it would be either just or prudent to suffer the earl of Sandwich to continue in place; for he was a man born for the destruction of the British navy.

Admiral Pigot stated in a manly and clear manner the conduct of the first lord of the Admiralty towards him; by which it appeared that lord Sandwich having fir solicited him to serve in the most flatter ing terms, had offered him a command br letter which he had the day before given to another officer, admiral Gambier; that afterwards, on the breaking out of French war, on admiral Pigot's renewing his offers to serve, the first lord of the Ad miralty asked him directly for his interes in the India-house, the charge of the mu der of lord Pigot his brother, being ther brought against the friends of lord Sandwich. On the admiral's refusing, lord Sandwich told him with a sneer, that he would acquaint his Majesty of his readines to serve him,-and from that hour he wa never applied to more!

Mr. Fox concluded the debate with speech of considerable length, in which le animadverted with his wonderful powe on the puerile and absurd arguments ad vanced in contradiction of his motion. He particularly adverted to the arguments and assertions of lord Mulgrave, and after replying to every material matter that had arisen in the course of the debate, con cluded with a forcible appeal to the inde pendent members of the House to assert their privilege, and by a full and manifest declaration of their sentiments, be instrumental to the salvation of their country. The committee divided. Yeas 183, No 205. Majority 22.

Feb. 13. Mr. Fox said that a circumstance had occurred to his mind, which he

did not think of at the time when the debate of Thursday last was concluded; and that was, that the Resolution he had that day moved in the committee, relative to the mismanagement of the navy, could not be entered, as the proceedings of a committee must be reported to the House, before they can find their way into the Journals; and as in the case he alluded to, the committee had not come to any resolution, his motion having been negatived, there was of course nothing for the committee to report. He was resolved, however, at all events, that his motion should appear upon record, and go down o posterity; and therefore he then gave otice, that on Wednesday next, he would move in the House, a resolution, ubstantially, if not literally the same, as hat which, on Thursday last, had been ejected in the committee.

Feb. 20. Mr. Fox rose to call the attenion of the House to a motion which he ad intimated against the Admiraltyoard: but he would not trouble the House, he said, with all the arguments hat had been so well and accurately tated by many gentlemen in the commitee, respecting the most shameful manner n which our naval affairs had been conlucted of late years, for he saw no reason or it; every thing that ministers had adanced in favour of the earl of Sandwich ad been so ably answered, that he was confident every gentleman was satisfied in is own mind, and he trusted that there were scarce two opinions in the House. The very respectable number that had divided on this motion in the committee, alhough not successful, would, in any other administration but the present, have been looked upon as a majority, for it certainly contained the voice of the people; and no minister, but the present, would think of continuing a man in office, whom the voice of the people was so much against, and with so much justice. He had been informed, he said, out of the House, that many gentlemen would have voted with him in the committee, but his declaration of following up his motion, if successful, for the dismission and punishment of lord Sandwich, had deterred them; now he hoped no gentlemen would mistake him, for they were all different and distinct propositions; they might vote for one, and reject the other: but he begged leave to caution them against being lulled into a belief of redress; for a report had been

industriously spread, that lord Sandwich was to retire; that report was therefore calculated merely to serve the particular purpose of the day, and throw gentlemen off their guard: but what faith was to be put in the minister's promise was plainly to be seen by his former conduct. At the beginning of this session he promised that the American war should be conducted on a narrower compass, and that it was to be a war of posts; but no sooner was his end answered, and the supplies voted, than he changed his tone, and that brave, gallant, and judicious officer, sir Guy Carleton, was appointed to carry on that war. To be sure, to appease the people, one of the chief leaders of that war had been removed;* but what was the consequence of his removal? a person was appointed in his stead who was a known friend to the American war, and a staunch supporter of it ever since it first began. Therefore, as we found the minister's promise was not to be relied on, we should not let the opportunity slip, but while we had it in our power we ought to have exerted ourselves in doing our country that justice which it loudly called for. He begged gentlemen not to imagine that his proceeding in this business was in any shape personal against the noble lord who was at the head of the Admiralty, nor that it tended to any criminal proceeding. He had nothing to say to the earl of Sandwich; it was to the board of Admiralty; and gentlemen ought not to be induced from personal regard to that noble lord to fail in the execution of their public duty. He therefore hoped every gentleman would lay his hand upon his heart, and he was then confident they must be of his opinion, and would vote with him, "That it appears to this House, that there has been great Mismanagement in the conduct of his Majesty's Naval Affairs in the year 1781."

Earl Nugent said, he should oppose the motion, as he was confident the House was not competent to judge upon the question; it was a professional question, and turned upon our naval affairs in one particular year, which the hon. gentleman had

On the 11th of February lord George

Germain, disagreeing with the other members

of the cabinet on the future conduct of the

war, resigned his office of one of the principal Secretaries of State, and was raised to the peerage by the title of lord viscount Sackville. His office was bestowed on Mr. Welbore Ellis, afterwards lord Mendip.

thought proper to select from all others, as the most applicable to his purpose. The motion comprehended two questions; first, had there been neglect in not procuring a navy equal to what we ought to have? And next, was that navy employed as it ought to be? With respect to the first question, he trusted there was no immediate proof before the House, but that our navy was superior to what it ever had been in any former reign; but we had a much greater foe to contend with; the whole House of Bourbon, Holland and America were all at war with us, and it seemed to be a turn in politics. They had not proof of guilt before them; and therefore not being able to condemn, they must acquit. With respect to the second question, whether the navy had been exerted to its utmost, he trusted it had, and he was certain no proof by the papers on the table appeared to the contrary; but he was free to confess, that there was a want of unanimity. The navy was distracted, many of our most able officers were not employed; this arose from private pique, which he most sincerely hoped every person would totally divest himself of, and not think of lord Sandwich; let them weigh well all the services which had been performed for a series of years in the navy, and then say, whether they could vote for the pre sent question; let them recollect that the noble lord had filled the store-houses of England at a time when they were perfectly empty; that he had broken asunder a combination of the workmen in the yard; and that he had in a thousand instances displayed the utmost vigilance and activity. He begged them also to recollect, that they were not competent to decide upon it, he would again assert, for they were not judges of facts in naval affairs; yet they were called on to decide and judge a man's actions, of which they were total strangers.

General Conway said, he rose to give his hearty assent to the motion, as he was convinced of its being founded on the strictest principles of truth. That our naval transactions of the last year were disgraceful, was beyond a doubt: we were fallen from that pitch of greatness which a wise administration had brought us into, into the most profound contempt, and were become the scorn and ridicule of all foreign powers. To complain that we had a greater foe to contend with than in any other former war was saying nothing; for why had we precipitated ourselves into

the war? Had ministers not been apprised that it would be so? Had not gentlemen told them what would happen? In short, could any persons, but those who wished to shut their eyes, not see, that in our war with America we should draw on us the House of Bourbon, who would by our quarrel extend her trade as she diminished ours? But administration were determined not to see, or, if they did, they were determined not to profit by what they saw, They had been guilty of delusion to the people; they had first promised that America should not be taxed, and directly began to tax her; they next, to gull the country gentlemen, declared America should be taxed, but immediately dropped it: thus they deceived the people, and endeavoured to carry on a war which, ia every point of view, must from its extent be the ruin of this country. To subdue three millions of people at a distance of 3,000 miles, was what would take up the whole of our navy, without being at war with so many other foes. The noble lord who spoke last had said, there was a want of unanimity, and that in short was the cry of all the minister's friends. What unanimity, in the name of Heaven, did they want? Had they not all the money they asked for? Had they not all the force of the kingdom? Had they not every thing that could be wished? Then surely they had unanimity as far as it could be granted. But could any man tell him, that, where ministers were pur suing ruinous and destructive measures, the people should be unanimous with them? Surely not. With regard to our navy being distracted, who had caused that distraction? Why, the first lord of the Admiralty. Certainly, then, he was a fit person to be dismissed. With respect to divesting himself of any personal pique, he could not say there was occasion for it, for he owed him none: but, on the other hand, he was taught to look up to him with respect, as a person upon whom his Majesty had heaped, in the most unlimited manner, favours; yet was that a reason why he should not pronounce him guilty when he thought him so? It was not now a question, whether lord Sandwhich should lose his place, but whether the public interest should be sacrificed to continue him in office? With respect to the minister breaking his promise, that was evident for his favourite war, which he never could find a name for, and the reason for which was obvious; for had he