and Charles, it was intended that Trinity College should be only one of several Halls or Colleges. He admitted that the immediate idea of Elizabeth was to use this College as an instrument of Protestantizing the Irish people. Now, had it succeeded in its mission? Was it not admitted that it had failed in that mission as much as the Irish Established Church, of which it formed a part. But Trinity College was also in a great part an ecclesiastical College, and celibacy was enforced until the Royal Letter of 1850. So far, therefore, the cases of Trinity College and Maynooth were parallel. And as they had passed a Resolution to disendow Maynooth, was Trinity College to be maintained as an ecclesiastical College? Was that the way to pacify and enlighten Ireland? There was only one way of dealing with this question, and that was to carry out the ideas of the founders and the objects of the charters, and to apply the endowments of Trinity College to form a National University with denominational Colleges, of which Trinity College should be one. The Queen's Colleges will represent the mixed system, and the Irish people could avail themselves of University education according to their respective opinions, tastes, and sentiments. Two objections were, however, made to this plan-First, that the examining body would be independent of the teaching body, and would also be of separate religions; and the second, as to books to be read. Now, as to the first, instead of an objection it was a recommendation that the examining body should be independent of the teaching body. As to religion, there surely could be no objection to have Dr. Russell on the same examining board with the Provost of Trinity College. And as to books, the objection could only apply to moral philosophy; and as to that each student could use the books he was recommended in his own College. There was therefore no force in these objections. There were two courses open to them. First, a separate University with a separate charter, or one Irish University with several denominational Colleges. The former was the favourite plan of Her Majesty's Government, trumpeted all over Ireland by their supporters, but lately hastily abandoned in that House. It was the great "card"-considered by some the "trump card "but played out very recently, or rather thrown away without any serious attempt to play it at all. The first plan being therefore abandoned by the Govern

ment, and opposed by this side of the House, the second was the only practical and rational course. It appeared to him the only solution of the Irish University question under present circumstances. He hoped that the friends of the mixed system would give up their exclusive and procrustean philosophy, and not stand in the way of this practicable and just solution. Did any Irish Member think, after what he had lately seen, that a Parliamentary en. dowment was possible for a separate Roman Catholic University? It had been abruptly abandoned by his own party, and had been met by what he might call a howl of disapprobation from that side of the House. Under these circumstances it appeared to him the duty of every Irish Member who wished for Roman Catholic University education to demand a University with denominational Colleges; and for that purpose the endowments of Trinity College were sufficient, and to that purpose they ought to be applied.

MR. DISRAELI said, he wished to make an appeal to the hon. Member for Brighton (Mr. Fawcett) with regard to the peculiar position of the discussion which that hon. Gentleman had originated. The hon. Member had had an opportunity of placing his views on that subject before the House, and also of eliciting the views entertained by hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House in opposition to his own; and as it was understood that the hon. Member did not wish to go to a division, it did not seem as if they were likely to make much progress with the question in hand; while it should be remembered that they had a heavy Paper of Business still before them, and that the period of the Session was advanced. He would suggest, therefore, that, in order to facilitate the course of Public Business, the hon. Member for Brighton should withdraw his Motion, on the understanding that the hon. Member for Youghal (Sir Joseph M. Kenna) should also withdraw his Amendment.

MR. FAWCETT expressed his readiness to accede to the request made to him by the Prime Minister.

SIR FREDERICK HEYGATE said, he would be the last person to interfere with the convenience of the House; but he wished to express his regret that, after the statement of the hon. Member for Brighton (Mr. Fawcett), he and others on that side who held views contrary to those of that hon. Gentleman, and views, more

over, which might not be altogether in accordance with those of Her Majesty's Government, had had no opportunity of expressing their sentiments on that question.

MR. LEFROY said, he shared the feeling entertained by the last speaker.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

ARMY-ROYAL GUN FACTORY.

MOTION FOR COMMITTEE.

MAJOR ANSON said, he had on the Paper for that evening a Motion for a Committee to inquire into the truth of the charges he had made on Monday night against the above establishment. He had put that Motion on the Paper in consequence of the remarks made by the Secretary of State for War in answer to his speech. Since then he had had a consultation with the right hon. Gentleman in the Chair, and found that his Motion was not strictly in Order. He was therefore obliged to withdraw it; but he was anxious to have the truth of his statements investigated, and he would be happy to adopt any suggestion which the Secretary of State for War might make for that purpose.

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON wished to say that, in consequence of what passed the other evening, he had communicated with the officers of the War Office, and with Colonel Campbell, the head of the Royal Gun Factory, at Woolwich, who were affected by the statements of the hon. and gallant Member for Lichfield (Major Anson). Those officers were all gentlemen of as high station, honour, and character as that hon. and gallant Member bimself, and they felt very much hurt by the statements which the hon. and gallant Member had made, casting serious impu tations upon them; and they all desired that there should be some inquiry into the subject. The hon. and gallant Member would admit that it was due to those officers that his statements should be investigated or withdrawn; and under those circumstances the best course would, he thought, be that the hon. and gallant Member should draw up the charges which he was prepared to make against the Royal Gun Factory at Woolwich, and then they would be in a position to refer them to a Select Committee of the House for inves. tigation. He (Sir John Pakington) would suggest that the Committee of Inquiry should consist of only five Members, to be

appointed by the Committee of Selection, and should sit de die in diem, to investigate the charges which the hon. and gallant Member might be prepared to specify.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn; Committee deferred till Monday next.

PENSION TO SIR ROBERT NAPIER.

RESOLUTION.

Message from Her Majesty considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.) Queen's Message read.

MR. DISRAELI: Sir, after the discussion in this House, and considering the state of public feeling on this subject, it is unnecessary for me to expatiate on the services of Sir Robert Napier. Great and distinguished as those services in Abyssinia have been, they are only portions of a career in which for a long period of years he has proved his loyalty to his Sovereign and his devotion to his country. I have the satisfaction of informing the House that Her Majesty has been pleased to confer the high distinction of a peerage upon Sir Robert Napier, by the style and title of Lord Napier of Magdala; and it is with a view to sustain the honour of that great distinction that Her Majesty has now appealed to the House of Commous to assist her in the consummation she wishes. It is a part of the admirable combination of forces in our constitutional system that the Sovereign and the nation unite necessarily when there is a complete recognition of public services; and if the Committee will pass the Resolution which I am about to move, we shall prove that in this country those who render such services may depend upon a gracious Sovereign and a grateful people. The right hon. Gentleman concluded by proposing

"That the annual sum of Two Thousand

Pounds be granted to Her Majesty out of the Great Britain and Ireland, to be settled upon Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of Lieutenant General Sir Robert Napier, G.C.B., and the next surviving Heir Male of his Body, for the term of their natural lives."

Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That the annual sum of Two Thousand Pounds be granted to Her Majesty, out of the Consolidated Fund of to be settled upon Lieutenant General Sir Robert the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Napier, G.C.B., and the next surviving Heir Male of his Body, for the term of their natural lives.

Resolution to be reported upon Monday next.

REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE

(SCOTLAND) BILL.

LORDS' AMENDMENTS.

Lords' Reason for disagreeing to one of the Commons' Amendments to Lords' Amendments considered.

MR. GATHORNE HARDY moved that the House do not insist on the Amendment made by them, from which the House of Lords had expressed their disagreement.

MR. M'LAREN said that, in the present state of Public Business, and owing to the necessity of facilitating the registration for the purposes of the approaching General Election as much as possible, he should not, acting on the advice of a distinguished Member of his own side of the House, offer any opposition to the proposal.

Resolved, That this House doth not insist upon the Amendment made by this House to the Amendment made by their Lordships, to which The Lords have disagreed.

MINUTES.]-PUBLIC BILLS-First ReadingNew Zealand Assembly's Powers (247); Court of Session (Scotland) (246). Second Reading-Revenue Officers Disabilities Removal (204); Ecclesiastical Commissioners (221); Metropolitan Police Funds (230); Fairs (Metropolis) (223); Burials (Ireland) (212); Drainage and Improvement of Lands (Ireland) Supplemental (No. 2) (207); Local Government Supplemental (No.6)* (175); Local Government Supplemental (No. 3)* (194); Hudson's Bay Company (244); District Church Tithes Act Amendment (236). Committee Railway Companies (226); West Indies (135-249); Curragh of Kildare (195). Report-Lee River Conservancy (140); Railway Companies* (226); Curragh of Kildare* (195). Third Reading-Reformatory Schools (Ireland) (122); Compulsory Church Rates Abolition (211); Registration (218); Artizans' and Labourers' Dwellings (227-228), and passed. Royal Assent-Voters in Disfranchised Boroughs [31 & 32 Vict. c. 41]; Municipal Rate (Edinburgh) [31 & 32 Vict. c. 42]; Thames Em bankment and Metropolis Improvement (Loans) Act Amendment [31 & 32 Vict. c. 43]: Re ligious, &c. Buildings (Sites) [31 & 32 Vict. c. 44]; Consecration of Churchyards Act (1867) Amendment [31 & 32 Vict. c. 47]; Sea Fisheries [31 & 32 Vict. c. 45]; Vagrant Act Amendment [31 & 32 Vict. c. 52]; Judgments Extension [31 & 32 Vict. c. 54]; Fairs [31 & 32 Vict. c. 51]; Representation of the People (Ireland)

*

PRIVATE BILLS-RAILWAY BILLSINCREASE OF RATES.-RESOLUTION.

LORD TAUNTON, in rising to move a Resolution that no Railway Bill proposing to increase existing Rates for Passengers or Goods shall be read a Second Time until a special Report from the Board of Trade shall have been laid before the House, said, he had supported an Amendment moved by the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Clanricarde) the other night to strike out of the London and Brighton Railway Bill a clause permitting the Company to increase its fares. The noble Lord the Chairman of Committees (Lord Redesdale) had for many years so persistently set his face against any attempt on the part of railway companies to obtain power to raise their fares that they had almost refrained from making such an attempt; but in a most important instance their Lordships had broken down the barrier so usefully raised by the noble Lord, who had since told their Lordships that his hands would now be paralyzed, and that he would no longer be able to oppose Bills of this kind. This was a most serious change. There could be no question that extensive amalgamation resulting in an increase of fares and charges would not only bear hard upon passengers, but would have a very injurious influence upon commerce. He would not say that under no conceivable circumstances should the fares of a railway company be modified or increased; but every precaution ought to be taken that proposals of this kind should not be agreed to without the utmost deliberation. It was in an especial manner the duty of the Legislature to protect the public, because when railway companies came before Parliament with Bills of this description no individual opponent of the Bill could afford to pay counsel and go to the expense of opposing the Bill in

It was said that such an increase the shareholders. If the shareholders had was necessary to protect the interests of mismanaged their affairs he was sorry for them; but he could not admit that this would justify an application to Parliament to restore their finances at the expense of the public. There might be cases of short lines of railway in which it might be necessary or expedient to raise the fares; but when the great lines came to be tampered with, the public injury inflicted would be most serious. It was said that in many cases the advance of fares had become necessary to clear off the expenses which the companies had incurred in defending their rights; but he did not see any reason why the public should be called on to pay the expenses created by what was in too many cases unnecessary and bootless litigation. He had communicated with various authorities on the question, and he found that there existed a very general feeling that, after their Lordships' vote the other night it was absolutely necessary that some safeguard should be devised for the protection of the public. He did not know any Public Department which could more properly discharge this duty than the Board of Trade, whose function it was to watch over the trade and commerce of the country. The best thing would be for the Board of Trade to undertake, in every case where railway companies came to Parliament for power to increase their rates and fares, to make inquiry into all the circumstances of the case in order to direct and enlighten the judgment of their Lordships and of the other House of Parliament.

Moved to resolve, That no Railway Bill that proposes to increase the Rates now payable on the Conveyance of Goods or Passengers shall be read a Second time until a special Report from the Board of Trade on the Subject shall have been laid upon the Table of the House.-(The Lord Taunton.)

LORD CAMOYS said, he believed that there was no better method than the present of arriving at a correct conclusion with regard to railway Bills, for the Select