The ing-places in a body of men whom he re- proposed. What were the objections to spected as much as the noble Lord, but the proposal of the Government? who were known to be far more favourable first was that no effectual supervision by to the party opposite than to that (the the Lord Lieutenant and Privy Council Opposition) side of the House. He was was provided. But an Amendment had quite willing that power should be given to been suggested by which that objection. the Privy Council to sanction the creation might be removed. The real point of of additional polling places in those cases in conflict was the necessity of providing which application had already been made. additional polling-places before the next election; he apprehended that if there were any necessity for them it was eminently with reference to the next election; and it was with that view that provision was made for resort to Special Sessions when Ordinary Sessions were not available, just as a similar provision was made in the 6 & 7 Will. IV. A Bill had been introduced this Session with reference to the presence of military at elections by those who objected to that species of protection being given to voters; the only effectual way of obviating the necessity for that protection was to provide additional polling-places, so as to facilitate the access of electors to the poll without danger of molestation and violence; that such was the object of this measure; and it had no party object beyond that of securing to electors the free exercise of the franchise. SIR PATRICK O'BRIEN said, he believed that the Bill had been introduced not to protect the voters, but to enable the landlords to poll their tenants against their will. So high did party spirit run in Ireland at election times that magistrates were not allowed to act at elections unless they got a fresh commission; and yet it was into the hands of these very magistrates that the noble Lord now proposed to put a power which might be used with the most crushing effect against the unfortunate tenantry. VISCOUNT HAMILTON said, that at the last contested election in the county of Donegal, when a number of voters who had travelled about twenty-eight or twentynine miles arrived within a mile of Letterkenny they were met by a ruffianly mob, who destroyed their cars. Applications had at different times since then been made to have new and convenient polling. places provided, but the Privy Council always returned the same answer- - that under the existing law it was impossible. He hoped, therefore, the Committee would consent to give the magistrates the power provided in the Bill. SIR HERVEY BRUCE said, those who thought that landlords were desirous of driving their tenants to the poll as if they had no will of their own would entertain a different opinion if they knew more of the North of Ireland; for landlords exercised nothing but a moral influence, acquired by residence and good deeds among their tenants. Would it not be better to take the polling-places to the electors than to incur the heavy expense of taking electors in cars to polling-booths, in localities where they were not known? The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Louth (Mr. Chichester Fortescue) made a proposal but little different from that of the noble Earl; and he was inclined to accept it until he heard the second expla THE ATTORNEY GENERAL FOR IRELAND (Mr. WARREN) said, that the discussion had commenced in a very angry tone. They had been told by one hon. Member that the landlords took their tenants like serfs to the poll; another hon. Gentleman had said that he would divide on every line of the Bill; but the discussion appeared to be about to take another tone when the right hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Chichester Fortescue) sug-nation. If the right hon. Gentleman would gested that two clauses should be brought up for the purpose of meeting the admitted difficulty of the case. It had been admitted then, by an authority than whom none was higher, that there was a defect in the law which required to be remedied. Now, MR. VANCE said, he regretted that the he maintained that it was right that an right hon. Member for Louth, who was acauthority should exist somewhere-that a quainted with the working of the present power should be vested in some body, to law, did not give Notice of clauses to remedy create polling places. There existed ait. The Bill would do what was wanted; and technical difficulty in the way of providing if the right hon. Gentleman was not able these polling-places, and a remedy was to propose what would equally accomplish promise to support the Government on the Report in providing additional places for the next election he would not vote with the Government on the 34th clause; but he must do so in the absence of such an undertaking. that he ought to support the Bill. It would be dangerous to give up the clauses on the mere assumption that other clauses would be brought up and that they would effect the object. MR. HEYGATE said, that such anoma. lies would not be tolerated in England as existed in Ireland with regard to the distances voters had to travel to the poll. There was an increasing dislike to the long journeys; and the lower the franchise was reduced, the more necessary was it to bring the poll to the voter. In this matter, he asked, why was the urban voter to have a privilege denied to the agricultural voter? The former could reach the poll by walking a short distance from his home; and why should the latter be compelled to make the sacrifice involved in travelling several miles? MR. LEFROY said, he hoped the right hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Chichester Fortescue) would agree to an arrangement by which a sufficient number of pollingplaces might be provided for the protection of the voters in Ireland. THE LORD ADVOCATE said, there was a clause in the Scotch Act giving the sheriff the power of increasing the number of polling-places in any district, so that not more than 300 need vote at one booth. He did not see why a different law should be applied to Ireland. THE EARL OF MAYO: Sir, it is quite clear we must take it that the decision at which the Committee has just arrived is conclusive upon the subject of providing additional polling-places for Ireland at the next election, and therefore I propose to withdraw the whole of Part III. of the Bill. In so doing, however, I must say distinctly that, in the event of scenes of violence and bloodshed occurring at the ensuing election in Ireland, the responsibility will rest not with us, but with the hon, and right hon. Gentlemen opposite, who, in defiance of every principle of their own, and in defiance of every vote they have given with regard to the provision of additional polling-places in England and Scotland, have voted against the clause which was intended to provide facilities for polling in Ireland. Of course it will be the duty of the Government to endeavour to do everything in their power to preserve peace at the ensuing election; but the difficulties they will have to contend against will be enormously increased by the decision at which the Committee have just arrived. MR. CHICHESTER FORTESCUE: Sir, the noble Earl (the Earl of Mayo) has prophesied the most frightful consequences as the result of the vote just given, and he has chosen to throw upon us the responsibility of those consequences. We are quite ready to bear whatever responsibility properly belongs to us; but we decline to acquit the Government of any blame which may hereafter attach to it in consequence of neglecting until a few days before our separation to take means to prevent what the noble Earl fears, but which I, for one, do not. But the noble Earl's remarks are not consistent with his own statement of an hour ago, when he seemed to anticipate that the number of applications would be very few indeed. [The Earl of MAYO: Not very many.] The noble Earl said the number of cases of difficulty which had arisen were few, and that they had mostly arisen in the quieter districts-some places in the north, I believe. Now, with respect to the Midland, Western, and Southern regions of Ireland, I am convinced that in the present political state of the country there is no reason to fear any danger unless extravagant, unreasonable, and improper means are taken to prevent the great mass of electors from recording their votes in accordance with their wishes. If attempts are made to compel the large body of the Roman Catholic voters to support the Established Church in Ireland contrary to their feelings, difficulties may, indeed, arise. It may be hardly credible in this country that an attempt could be made to maintain Protestant ascendancy by means of the Roman Catholics' votes; but I am afraid we cannot allow ourselves to hope that the attempt will not be made. SIR COLMAN O'LOGHLEN said, the noble Earl ought to have been the very last person to throw responsibility on the Opposition when he knew he had voted against the Bill of 1865 which, if it had passed would have prevented any difficulty upon the point now before them. MR. VANCE said, he thought the right hon. Gentleman opposite was bound to do something to remedy the evil which he admitted to exist, and it would be very unsatisfactory if Parliament were prorogued without effectual measures being taken. The right hon. Gentleman had alluded to attempts to maintain Protestant as Clause 48 (Power to Lord Lieutenant to appoint Revising Barristers in certain Cases). MR. LAWSON said, that this clause cast upon the Lord Lieutenant the duty of appointing additional Revising Barristers. He (Mr. Lawson) thought it would be well to amend the clause in such a way that the English practice should be followed. He therefore begged to move, in page 21, line 26, to leave out "the Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland," and insert " any Judge of Her Majesty's Superior Courts of Common Law in Dublin sitting as vacation Judge for the despatch of chamber business." He also thought that such appointments should be made only if they should prove necessary. MR. LAWSON said, he would not, after the statement made by the noble Earl, press his Amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. FOR SIR COLMAN O'LOGHLEN moved a Schedules A, B, and C agreed to. sidered upon Wednesday, and to be printed. METROPOLITAN FOREIGN CATTLE MARKET (re-committed) BILL-[BILL 139. (In the Committee.) On Question, "That the Preamble be postponed," MR. CRAWFORD said, he wished to make an appeal to the right hon. Gentleman at the Head of the Government as to THE EARL OF MAYO said, he objected the expediency of proceeding further with to the alteration. The public had hitherto the measure. It had already, he said, been exhibited no want of confidence in the ap- discussed with great minuteness on the pointments made by the Lords Lieutenant, Motion for going into Committee, and it and those appointments had this advantage, was quite evident from the opposition it had that whereas the appointments made by a met with, that there would be a lengthened Judge who might be a strong partizan discussion on the clauses. That being so, could not be challenged, the Lords Lieu- and seeing that the Bill must also lead to tenant were responsible to Parliament for considerable discussion in the other House, the exercise of their patronage. In some he did not think there was any hope that places it might be necessary under the it could be carried to a satisfactory conpeculiar circumstances of this year to ap- clusion in the present Parliament. point additional Revising Barristers, though should be borne in mind, too, that those he hoped that it would not be necessary who opposed the Bill in its previous stage so far as Dublin was concerned. It was represented no less than 10,000,000 of not the intention of the Government to the inhabitants of the country, and that make any appointment until the revision those whose interests would be affected in had progressed some way, nor unless it the matter would not be content unless was shown that the present officials would they were heard by counsel against it in be unable to get through the work in time." another place." Taking into account, But if some assistance were needed, care would be taken that the selection should not be confined to men of one particular party. It besides, the great amount of business which still remained to be disposed of-among other measures the Electric Telegraphs Bill, which would give rise to a great deal MR. HEADLAM said, the question was one which affected, not only the interests of the metropolis, but of the country at large, inasmuch as the Bill, if passed, would make the importation of foreign cattle difficult for all future time. He objected to legislation being pressed on so important a question at so late a period of the Session, and the proper course was, in his opinion, to postpone the present Bill, and to institute an inquiry into the whole subject. of discussion in both Houses-he trusted accept-would simply be to waste an the right hon. Gentleman would see the evening. It appears to me that we shall propriety of responding to his appeal, and, go with great advantage into Committee, in deference to the wishes of those who inasmuch as every point of the Bill-acwere deeply interested in the question, cording to the hon. Member for the Citynot proceeding further with the Bill then has been thoroughly investigated. Then, under the consideration of the Com- with regard to the right hon. Gentleman mittee. who has just addressed us (Mr. Headlam). His speech was one against the principle of the Bill and against the policy of the Government, and not a speech in Committee on the Bill. At this stage, with Mr. Dodson in the Chair, it is ridiculous to go into the principle of the Bill and to say that the large majorities by which the Motions to stop the progress of the measure were defeated are not to be respected because they were the result of passion. I may remark that those majorities were furnished from both sides of the House, MR. DISRAELI: Sir, I think the hon. which is strong evidence that the decisions Member for the City of London (Mr. of the House in respect of this Bill were Crawford), in the appeal which he has made as free from passion as the votes of a poputo me, was very inconsistent. He tells us lar assembly can possibly be, and that the that this Bill was very recently discussed subject is felt to be one of general, I might with great minuteness in this House, and say universal, interest. The right hon. he asks us on that account not to proceed Gentleman made an appeal to the Governwith the Committee upon it. But is it ment not to proceed with the Bill; and he not the proper inference to draw from the based that appeal on grounds which I think very minuteness of the discussion which cannot be entertained at this stage. I have has already arisen that our proceedings in risen at the present moment to prevent Committee will be greatly facilitated in any discussion of this kind from proceeding consequence, and that, coming to a subject a discussion which is always very inconwhich we have fully mastered, we shall be venient when we are in Committee. I hope likely to make more progress than under that we shall not only proceed with the ordinary circumstances we could fairly Committee, but shall make such progress anticipate? I am bound, also, to say that as will assure us of carrying the Bill to a I cannot express any sympathy with the successful issue. general views which the hon. Gentleman has advanced on this subject. He refers to the Paper containing the order of Business, and tells us that if we do not go on with this measure we may go on with the Electric Telegraphs Bill; but he must know that it is necessary, especially at this period of the Session, to arrange the Business before us with some adherence to the plans which have been laid down, and that the Electric Telegraphs Bill has been fixed for half past four to-morrow, in order that the Committee upon it might not be broken. Therefore, if we do not go on with the Metropolitan Foreign Cattle Market Bill, we cannot go on with the Electric Telegraphs Bill without deranging all that has been settled and disappointing many hon. Members who have left the House on the faith of the arrangement made. To agree, therefore, to the proposal of the hon. Gentleman-which I can by no means MR. CRAWFORD said, that the Telegraphs Bill stood next on the Paper after this Bill. MR. DISRAELI: Yes; but in conversation on Saturday it was arranged that it should be taken as the first Order tomorrow. MR. CRAWFORD said, he was not aware of that; but the right hon. Gentleman had not referred to the difficulties which this Bill would have to encounter in the other House. MR. DISRAELI: I am responsible for the arrangement of Business in this House, and in its arrangement I endeavour to consult the convenience of Members; but I am not responsible for the management of Business in "another place." It is not very long ago since comments were made to the effect that "another House" was not occupied so much as the country would desire; and therefore I think no one here should complain if the Members of that | House had been occupied three days in House are now asked to give us their discussing the Motion for going into Comvalued assistance in advancing the Public Business. mittee, and the adjournment was moved at nine or half past nine-a thing almost unprecedented merely, as it seemed, that they might have the same speeches made over again, the whole burden of the song then being, "Let us trust to the Privy Council, with its elastic powers; an Act of Parliament is unnecessary.' But, surely, if the Privy Council had had the power to save the country from the cattle plague, and yet had failed to do so, it was not surprising that the House should want to have some statutory autho for the City of London (Mr. Crawford) now came down, and in the blandest manner asked them how they could expect to pass that measure at that period of the Session. He did not know whether the hon. Member desired to have dear meat; but it was quite clear that he wished the inhabitants of London to have their trade subjected to all the existing inconveniences. He hoped this matter would be soon settled, and not kept hanging between heaven and earth in the way it did at present. MR. AYRTON said, he should not have risen to continue this discussion, but that hon. Members on his side of the House were cut short on a former night by hon. Gentlemen opposite, who declined to allow them to discuss the principle. They declined to allow hon. Gentlemen to address the House, and yet they declined to allow the House to adjourn; while they talked of sitting up all night, or sleeping on the Benches, of refreshing themselves, and stimulating themselves to oppose the ad-rity for that purpose? But the hon. Member journment of the discussion. When the Bill was formerly discussed he (Mr. Ayrton) urged that it was unnecessary, because a Bill had been passed last Session on this subject which had been unanimously adopted as a compromise between conflicting opinions; and they were told at the time that it would be satisfactory. But in answer to his remarks he was told by the First Minister of the Crown that that Bill, so far as the metropolis was concerned, was a dead letter, because the local authorities would not put the Act in force. He (Mr. Ayrton) had since applied to the local authorities, and he was positively assured by them that they had received no communication whatever from the Government requiring them to carry the Act into effect. Fearing their memory might be at fault he desired them to search among their records, which they did, but could find no authority on the subject. Now, he wished to know from the Government if they would produce the Correspondence, or state in what form it had taken place-whether verbally or in writing. The present Bill contained no compulsory powers; so that even if it were passed it would not put the Government in a better position as regarded the taking of land than that in which they stood under the Act of last year. If they could not get land by agreement, they would have to come to Parliament next year for compulsory powers to take it. MR. HENLEY said, he could not help thinking the tactics adopted by the other side in regard to that Bill somewhat peculiar. If, as the hon. and learned Member for the Tower Hamlets (Mr. Ayrton) now said, the Privy Council already had power to do all that that Bill would accomplish, why did the hon. and learned Gentleman not inform the House of that on the second reading? The MR. DENT said, he would remind the right hon. Gentleman who had just spoken that no discussion was taken on the second reading of the Bill. He had risen to make a remark personal to himself. He thought he had reason to complain of a speech lately made elsewhere by the hon. Member for East Norfolk (Mr. Read), in which his conduct in opposing that measure was unfairly denounced and characterized as rendering him unfit to be a member of the Royal Agricultural Society. The hon. Member had stated that he (Mr. Dent) had always taken a course opposed to agricultural interests. Now, he appealed to the House whether that was the case. He had never spoken in that House as representing the Council of the Agricultural Society, and he thought it was unfair of the hon. Member to make the statement he had. object as a Member of Parliament was not to look at public questions in their bearing upon the interests of one particular class only, but as they affected the community at large; and for that reason he had opposed the present Bill. On the same principle he was ready to vote for Amendments in the measure which would make it less onerous and less oppressive. His MR. LOCKE said, he trusted the right |