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taking care to inform themselves before- | existing in France might be applied to this hand that their proposal was irregular, country. The Government of France was the Government had not adopted a course calculated to place the Corporation in a false position?

MR. LIDDELL said, that before the noble Lord the Vice President of the Council rose, he wished to repeat his Question of the morning respecting the reported outbreak of the cattle plague in Russia.

LORD ROBERT MONTAGU said, that since the Question of his hon. Friend the Member for Northumberland (Mr. Liddell) was put to him at the Morning Sitting, he had ascertained that information on the subject had been received at the Office, and he found the report alluded to by his hon. Friend was perfectly true. There had been an outbreak of Siberian plague in Livonia and other provinces, and also of rinderpest near St. Petersburg. Cattle plague had also broken out in Lower Egypt, at Gheza and Gezera, near Cairo, and other districts. In answer to the Question of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Goschen), he had to state that that clause was framed on the proposition of one of the officers of the Corporation of the City of London; that that officer was mainly instrumental in drawing the clause; that he had laid it on the table after that gentleman had drawn it, and that he was not responsible for its informality.

FOREIGN CATTLE TRADE.

OBSERVATIONS.

a paternal Government. It undoubtedly sought the welfare of the people, that people being agricultural, and it put a stop to the importation of cattle where there was danger, but where there was no danger the importation was entirely free. It was most harsh to his constituents that they should be precluded from having cattle introduced into their district against which no objection could be made. These stories of the breaking out of the cattle plague abroad were certainly very opportune; but if the cattle plague had broken out in Egypt, or at St. Petersburg, or in Livonia, then let the Privy Council stop the importation from those places, but not from places where the disease did not exist. The practical effect of the present Orders in Council was to destroy the foreign cattle trade in his district. The evils inflicted under those Orders were unnecessary and uncalled-for, and he called upon the Government to give some assurance that they would not perpetuate the present system.

MR. NORWOOD said, he thought that his constituents at Hull also had a right to complain of their not being allowed the same privilege as was possessed by the ports of Liverpool and Southampton. The port of Liverpool had the advantage of being represented by two Gentlemen who sat on the Ministerial side of the House. Some time ago the Government was urged to allow the port of Liverpool to import cattle from Spain, Portugal, and France, MR. HEADLAM said, he rose to call and that privilege was conceded by the the attention of the Government and the Government. The port of Southampton, House to a practical grievance seriously which had also the advantage of having a affecting the interests of his constituents Member who sat on the Ministerial side, at Newcastle-on-Tyne. Some years ago obtained a similar privilege. Now, why his constituents had an important and valu- had not that privilege been extended to able trade in foreign cattle, partly derived Hull and other Northern ports? from Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein, reason seemed to be that as the hon. about the best grazing country in the Members for these towns sat upon the whole world. That trade had contributed Liberal side of the House their remonmaterially to increase the comforts and strances had less weight with the Governluxuries of the people of the district, but ment. There was no good reason for owing to the operation of the Orders in stopping cattle coming from Norway, Council enforced by the Government it had Sweden, and Denmark. The noble Lord been practically destroyed. Grave injury the Vice President of the Council told him had been done to his constituents through the other day that there was no port in their not being allowed to import any Denmark proper from which cattle could cattle from the districts to which he had be exported, but the fact was that there referred except under restrictions that were were five such ports. The cattle trade fatal to the carrying on of the trade. He of Hull had been ruined. In 1865 no less had sought to bring about a reasonable than £27,000 was paid for the conveyance compromise, under which the law now of cattle to Hull, and they sent in one

The

year 28,000 head of cattle into the interior, but the restrictions which were imposed entirely cut off this supply, and the profits of merchants and importers from this source had vanished. The proper policy would be to stop cattle coming from infected districts, to place regulations upon cattle coming from suspected districts, and to leave the rest of the trade perfectly free. He challenged the noble Lord to deny this statement, that in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway there had not been a single case of cattle plague.

MR. J. B. SMITH said, he believed that before long they would have to get up the same battle against the beef and mutton laws as they formerly waged against the Corn Laws. The hon. Member for Norfolk (Mr. Read) furnished him with a paper yesterday which stated that there were 22,000,000 sheep in this country, and that 5,500 had died from the disease. There could be no pretence for keeping out sheep upon this ground.

MR. READ: The sheep brought the cattle plague.

MR. J. B. SMITH: There could be no doubt that the object was to place obstructions in the way of the importation of foreign beasts.

MR. M'LAREN said, that his constituents suffered from the prohibition of which the hon. Member for Newcastle complained. Leith-the port of Edinburgh -as hon. Members knew, was the great entrepôt of the foreign cattle trade of Scotland. A very large number of animals had been brought there, not merely for consumption in Edinburgh, but for consumption in Glasgow, with its 500,000 inhabitants, and in all the towns around Glasgow. A large trade had existed in that way, but the Orders of the Privy Council had paralyzed that trade. In these circumstances, he hoped Her Majesty's Government would be prepared with some measure to relax the stringency of the laws which now existed, and to take away all impediments which were not absolutely necessary for the safety of the cattle of the United Kingdom. It was quite true that those whom he represented obtained a large supply of meat from the northern portions of Scotland; but if they were to be confined to that-if there was to be no competition with foreign cattle-were they not in the very same position as if they were told that they must depend for bread upon their home-grown corn? If obstructions were put in the way of foreign cattle, the

price of meat in this country would inevitably be raised to a very considerable extent. He hoped, therefore, that more stringent measures would not be adopted; that the Orders of the Privy Council would be gradually relaxed; and that, unless very strong symptoms of disease were proved to exist, we should hear no more even of the law which now existed. He had no doubt that the cattle plague existed in certain divisions of the Russian Empire; he supposed it had existed there for at least half a century, and it would perhaps continue there to the end of time; but surely that was no reason why restrictions should be placed on the importation of cattle from other regions where cattle plague did not exist.

MR. GLADSTONE said, he hoped some reply would be given on the part of the Government to the statements and arguments that had been put forward from that (the Opposition) side of the House. He was one of those who thought it a good system under which restraints on the importation of foreign cattle were remitted to the Privy Council, for if they went beyond or fell short of their duty they could be called to account by Parliament. This, however, proceeded on the assumption that when hon. Members made statements in a becoming manner in behalf of their constituents the Members of the Government whose conduct was challenged would feel it their duty to rise for the purpose of giving an explanation. Now, this appeared to be a case in which a good system was not well administered, or in which one portion of that administration was grossly inconsistent with another portion. The ports of this country, from the West Coast of Scotland southwards, and round the Southern Coast up to the mouth of the Thames, were allowed the privilege of importing cattle from Spain, Portugal, and France. France, as he understood, was a country where importation was open, subject to vigilant observation from all the rest of the world-these things, he was afraid, being managed there infinitely better than here, and an example being set us, which we had not the wit to follow, of securing the health of the cattle without impeding trade or raising the price of food. Now, why was the importation of cattle from France permitted when France did not exclude foreigu cattle in the way desired in this country? The main question, however, which he wished to put was, why the privilege of importing cattle from

Spain, Portugal, and France was not granted to Hull, Newcastle, and Leith, as well as to Liverpool and Southampton? He would not suppose with his hon. Friend the Member for Hull (Mr. Norwood) that the reason was that one of the Members for Southampton, and both the Members for Liverpool, sat on the Ministerial side of the House; while Hull, Newcastle, Leith, Aberdeen, and Dundee were all so unenlightened as to return Members who sat on the Opposition side. ["Oh, oh!"] He was protesting against that view; but he should like to hear some other reason assigned. He also wished to know, why the importation of cattle was not allowed from Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, as well as from Spain, Portugal, and France? The former countries being free from disease equally with the latter, the representatives of these ports had a right to know upon what ground these different regulations were based; and if no satisfactory reason could be assigned it might become the duty of some hon. Member, on the part of their constituents, to prevent the restriction and extinction of trade, and the lessening the supply of wholesome food for the people, by moving, even at this period of the Session, an Address to the Crown. The opinion of Parliament would thus be taken as to whether there should be a free supply of food in this country, or whether, as the noble Lord (Lord Robert Montagu) had intimated, we were to abandon the "new lamp" used since 1842, and revert to the "old lamp," which, he (Mr. Gladstone) would say, served the purpose extremely well-the "old lamp being the law which prohibited the importation of foreign cattle, and the new one the measure introduced by Sir Robert Peel, for supporting which an hon. Member opposite (Mr. Neville-Grenville) took credit the other night. The "new lamp" having been thus denounced by the noble Lord, it was necessary that he should be asked with some jealousy for an explanation of these inequalities in the administration of the law by the Privy Council with regard to the countries and ports similarly situated.

LORD ROBERT MONTAGU said, that having already spoken on the Motion for Adjournment, he must solicit the indulgence of the House in answering the questions and representations which had been addressed to him. The hon. Members who had urged complaints had failed to trace the effect to the proper cause. They had

complained of the Act of last Session which enabled the Privy Council to define parts of ports, but they should have remembered that the importation of foreign cattle had not decreased, but had rather increased, since the passing of that measure. Even if the importation had decreased, it had not been in consequence of the regulations of the Privy Council, for in that case the decrease would not have affected sheep, whereas in point of fact, the importation of sheep, which came over in separate vessels, and did not come within the Orders of the Privy Council, had decreased to the same extent as that of cattle. The real cause of the decrease, as was proved before the Select Committee, was that when the prices for cattle and sheep were high on the Continent the animals were attracted to Paris and Brussels, it not being worth while to import them into this country at higher freights for longer journeys, unless prices were very high here, for the margin of profit was insufficient to enable the importers to make a livelihood. The reason why the privileges extended to the South Coast and to the West Coast up to Glasgow had not been granted to Newcastle, Leith, Hull, and other ports was this,-Spanish cattle had never been imported in any numbers on the East Coast; a few had been imported one year and the next year none, and the trade was entirely abnormal. It was evident that some persons had attempted to foster a trade in Spanish and French cattle on that coast, but had not succeeded, and the attempt had been given up before the cattle plague visited this country. It was, therefore, useless for the Privy Council to recognize a trade which could not thrive or be beneficial to the importers under any circumstances. With regard to Denmark-the Spanish trade was a totally different one from the Danish trade. The Spanish trade was carried on in certain ships which were set apart for that trade alone. These ships went from Liverpool to Spain for the purpose of bringing over casks of wine, and when there was space cattle were brought over also. Danish ships, on the other hand, went indiscriminately to Rotterdam and to the Baltic ports; they might, therefore, be contaminated, and the cattle brought over in them would become infected while on the voyage. Nearly all the cattle and sheep from all parts of the continent of Europe were, moreover, shipped at Geestemünde, and came

thence to London. Cattle from Hungary, Livonia, and other provinces, as well as from Prussia and Schleswig-Holstein, were shipped together there, and arrived in London on the same day; so that if the cattle from any one province were infected, all the cattle shipped there would become infected also. This was his answer to the questions of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Lan cashire (Mr. Gladstone).

MR. CANDLISH said, that the noble Lord had not touched the case of the

right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Lancashire; and, besides, the noble Lord was in error with respect to the commercial facts. The right hon. Gentleman had asked why Spanish cattle, which were permitted to come to the South and West Coast, were not permitted to come to the East Coast; and all the noble Lord had to say in reply was that there was a special trade between Liverpool and Spain which did not extend to the North-east Coast, and, therefore, the cattle would not come there. If there was no importation of cattle at present from Spain or Portugal into the North-eastern ports, why impose any restrictions? That was a very good reason why the noble Lord should stand aside and not interfere. The trade, if a natural trade, would soon develope itself. But he was prepared to state, in opposition to the noble Lord, that there existed a large trade between Spain and the ports of Hull, Aberdeen, Sunderland, and Newcastle. There were large imports of ore, which was a very heavy cargo, and to fill up the unoccupied space necessarily left in vessels loaded with such cargo, cattle could be easily and most advantageously imported from Spain to these North-eastern ports.

MR. CLAY said, that the noble Lord had stated that the only reason for not granting to the North-eastern ports the privilege granted to Liverpool was that there was no trade in Spanish cattle with those ports. Now, without entering into the question of the extent of the cattle trade between Spain and the Eastern ports, he wished to know what proof there was that, under present circumstances, the trade might not prove a paying one, when other ports prosecuted it so beneficially. He would claim, on the very grounds advanced by the noble Lord, that the Northeastern ports should be declared open for the entry of those cattle.

MR. MOFFATT said, he must ask the House to pause before proceeding further

with this measure. The noble Lord might declare that he would not allow certain articles to be imported into certain places because those places had no trade of the kind before. But it was the duty of the Government to encourage importations in every way.

In 1866, 234,000 head of

cattle and 800,000 sheep had been imported, while in 1867 the numbers had fallen to 177,000 head of cattle and 540,000 sheep; and yet the Privy Council plumed itself on showing such paternal care in providing for the wants of the people.

Motion made, and Question put, "That this House will, at the rising of the House this day, adjourn till Monday next."-(Mr. Jacob Bright.)

The House divided:-Ayes 38; Noes 105 Majority 67.

METROPOLITAN FOREIGN CATTLE MARKET (re-committed) BILL-[BILL 139.] (Lord Robert Montagu, Mr. Hunt.) COMMITTEE. [Progress July 20.] Bill considered in Committee.

(In the Committee).

Clause 3 (Constitution of Market Authority).

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER said, he would appeal to his hon. Friend (Mr. Selwin-Ibbetson) to withdraw his Amendment. It would be certain to give rise to much opposition and take up much time; and therefore, in the interest of those who wished that the Bill should pass, it would be more prudent to withdraw the Amendment.

MR. SELWIN-IBBETSON said, that his sole object had been to advance the measure, but he was prepared, in deference to the wish now expressed, to withdraw the Amendment.

MR. GOSCHEN said, he begged on behalf of the ratepayers of London to express his gratification that this Amendment had been withdrawn.

MR. MILNER GIBSON: I wish to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as the Corporation of the City of London have declined to give any assurance that they will become the market authority, and have refused the terms the Government have proposed to them in order to induce them to become the market authority, why should their name not be omitted as well as that

1758 of the Board of Works? I am quite at a THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEloss to know what the Government are QUER: The right hon. Gentleman has are about. In the first instance the Go- asked me a question a great many times vernment themselves proposed the Metro- over, which I should have been perfectly politan Board of Works. The Committee ready to answer, if it had only been put to struck out the Metropolitan Board of me once. The right hon. Gentleman wished Works The Government requested the to know what the Government were about? Board should be introduced, and now when I will tell him very briefly. The Governit has been proposed to restore the provi- ment are doing their best to pass this Bill. sion, we are told the Government abandon He says we have been vacillating in this altogether that part of their plan, and that matter. It is perfectly true that we are the Metropolitan Board of Works are not unable to pass this Bill in the shape to be their authority at all. This continual that we should have liked, but that is change of plan does shake my confidence owing to the machinations-["Oh, oh!"] in the Government. Within the last three-As exception seems to be taken to that days we have had from the Government word, I shall say that we have been comthree different plans. First of all we were told by the Vice President of the Council he felt confident that the City would undertake it. Then the Chancellor of the Exchequer told us that he had a plan that would be sure to succeed with the City, that they were going to take it into consideration. At the Common Council yesterday, a very formal proceeding took place. A clause was put upon the Paper that the Islington market tolls were to be increased, and that £300,000 was to be advanced to the Corporation of the City of London. Yes: but the City of London rejected that offer. Now, I say, you have no market authority. As for the Commissioners, it is a perfect absurdity. We used to have three characters in this Bill. First, there was the Corporation of the City of London; if they would not take it, then the Metropolitan Board of Works would take it; and if none of these would take it, then there were to be five Royal Cattle Market Commissioners to be appointed by the Government. Well, then, where are we? Many agricultural friends of mine are of opinion that the Government have conducted this question in a very unsatisfactory manner, and I shall move a distinct Resolution that the course they have taken in regard to the Bill under discussion has been of a vacillating and unsatisfactory character. The House has a right to know clearly and distinctly who are to be the parties that are to manage the foreign cattle trade of this country: I beg therefore to ask the First Minister of the Crown-or if the First Minister will not condescend to answer, then the Chancellor of the Exchequer as the Corporation have refused the office, and the Metropolitan Board of Works has been withdrawn from the Bill, who is to be the market authority in this Bill?

pelled to alter our plan, owing to the
operations-no one can take exception to
the word "operations"-of those Gentle-
men who are opposed to the Bill. The
operations, I repeat, of those who have
opposed us have thrown great difficulties
in the way of the Government, and there-
fore they have been obliged to take the
course which they consider most expedient
in order to pass this measure.
The right
hon. Gentleman has spoken of the with-
drawal of the Metropolitan Board of Works
from the Bill. Our reason for doing so
was this: it was felt that a great deal of
time would have been lost in discussion,
had we supported the proposition to keep
that body in the Bill. The Metropolitan
Board of Works was struck out of the Bill
by the Select Committee, and, as time was
precious, we did not think it desirable to
persist in re-inserting it. Had we retained.
the Board of Works in the measure they
would have been the market authorities.
As the Bill stands, however, the Corpora-
tion of London may become so if they
choose.[Mr. MILNER GIBSON: They have
refused.]-I do not believe that that is
the case. They have only refused a pro-
posed compulsory arrangement. An officer
of the Corporation made a proposition to
the Government, which was entertained;
and the Government proposed that, if the
proposition was inserted in the Bill, it
should be compulsory on the Corporation
to become the market authority. We pro.
pose to put in the Bill that the Corpora-
tion shall be the market authority upon
certain terms; and in the event of their
refusing, the Commissioners will then be-
come the market authority. We have dis-
cussed the question of what funds there
will be for the erection of the market, and
we decided that the funds which the Com-
missioners would have to look to for this

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