so happened that all the Protestant bodies, | Stanley at present proposed and expected, I should the Nonconformists included, repudiated not have condemned it as furnishing education but only a portion of education, and I should have the acceptance of an ignorant faith. They been glad to furnish even a small part of that held an ignorant faith to be superstition, portion, if no more could have been admitted. If so that all the arguments on that score there had been a scruple against teaching any. were worth less than nothing. Subscrip- thing beyond the alphabet I should have been glad tion was a test of study and attainment of to have even that taught. From what I have actually done, and thought, and seen, you may pretty well knowledge in Scripture history and Scrip- conjecture how I should be likely to act in respect ture doctrine. He should be sorry to rest of the London University. In the first place, I the statement he was about to make on should point out, from the experience of a far, his own authority, but it so happened that very far more difficult time, the perfect possibility there were many eminent men, for whom of having the historical books of the Bible as a portion of the studies and examinations; and sethis House entertained the highest respect, condly, the importance of this as a portion of gewho held that it would be to narrow and neral education, on the ground that Christianity degrade education if they did not demand is the prevailing religious profession of the coun from the students some knowledge of Scrip- try. I should call for no signing of articles-no ture history and of theology; which would profession of faith, but I should point out that in those portions of the Empire where the Mahomebe, in effect, to shut them out in a great dan religion prevails it is essential that those who measure from the study of all history, with are to reside among the Mussulmans, and hold the view that the void might be supplied official situations, should have some acquaintance with the Koran. To say that a man can have by the study of physical science, mechanics, wit gone through a course of liberal education in this and chemistry studies, he might add, country totally ignorant of the outlines of Christian which already found their place in the history is to imply not merely that the Christian teaching of the University. On this sub-religion is untrue or bad, but that it is insignif ject he wished to call the attention of the House to a letter on the Irish system of national education that the late Archbishop Whateley wrote to Dr. Arnold, and which had a strong bearing on this question. He said "When Lord Stanley joined the Education Board he had no such thought-[as examinations in Scripture of the children]. And when first Mr. Carlyle proposed drawing up Scripture extracts, I partook of the same expectations with Bishop Philpots, that no selections could be introduced with the concurrence of all parties such as should be of any utility. I do not even now think my apprehensions groundless. The obstacles were incomparably greater than those to any analogous plan in England. The result, however, was complete success. All the efforts to raise jealousy in reference to the Scripture extracts have within the schools themselves totally failed. They are read with delight and profit by almost all the children, and I and other Protestants, as Lord Stanley knows, have examined the children of all denominations without knowing to which each child belonged, and found them better taught in Scripture than most gentlefolks' children." Here he (Mr. Newdegate) must remind the House that to this statement was appended a note. In connection with this subject it might be observed that it was in 1837 that the Archbishop produced the cele brated tract, Early Lessons and Christian Evidences, afterwards admitted into the mixed schools by Dr. Moody, and finally objected to by Dr. Cullen in 1853. The Archbishop went on to say in reference to that plan of education "But had the plan gone no further than Lord cant and unworthy of serious attention, except from those who have a fancy for it, as is the case with the mythological antiquities of the AngloSaxons, or the dreams of astrology or alchemy. And if anyone should say you need not doubt that the students do acquire this knowledge in other ways, I should say, very well; I do not say to the contrary. I will certify, if you please, that they may for aught I know have gone through a most able and complete course of education; but I will not certify, by conferring anything in the nature of a degree, that they have done so, unless they shall have given proof before the University as such that they have. But if I may be answered that the conductors of the University despaired of the possibility of conducting any examinations or lectures on the Greek Testament so as to avoid jealousies and contests, I should consent to obtain what benefits we could-reckoning even half a loaf or half a quarter of a loaf better than no bread. But nothing would ever induce me to call it a whole loaf." These were the opinions of Archbishop Whately, and he believed no Member of the House would maintain that the Archbishop was an illiberal man. He therefore said deliberately, on the authority of Archbishop Whately and Dr. Arnold, that the object of this Bill was to narrow and degrade education-to bring it down to the level of those Nonconformists who were complaining of their ignorance, and at the same time requiring that the education of the Universities should be brought down to their level. This was his protest against the proposition that orthodoxy and igno rance, and Nonconformity and knowledge were convertible terms, and he would give his opposition to the Bill. MR. NEATE said, the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department had laid much stress on the Address that was presented by members of the Universities to the Archbishop of Canterbury against this Bill. He did not deny that that Address contained the names of many eminent men and men of bigh standing in the University. But he believed the youth and strength of the Universities to be favourable to the Bill, although the senior Fellows and Heads of Houses were against it; and he would point out that some of the most distinguished Colleges in Oxford were but weakly represented in the signatures to that Address, from which he drew the inference that, although all the intellect of the University had not yet passed, it was fast passing into the ranks of those who were in favour of this Bill. MR. COLERIDGE said, he would not attempt to answer a good many of the objections urged against this measure by hon. Gentlemen opposite, because those objections were urged rather against some creatures of their own imagination than against this Bill, with which they could have no more to do than with the Bill for the alteration of weights and measures which the House had that day been discussing. It had been said that those who supported the measure did not agree on the grounds on which they should support it. That was perfectly true. They were endeavouring to make an advance in a particular direction, but some went further than others in the path of progress, though all were prepared to go the length of this Bill. Though there was only one way of saying "No," there were 500 ways of saying "Yes," and it was natural that those who approached the subject from a Liberal point of view should approach it with different motives; but, as a party, they were generally content with the measure. The real question was, whether the Bill before the House was one the principle of which the House ought to affirm? The question had been argued as if it was proposed to take from persons who were entitled to keep, and give to those who were not entitled to receive. That argument was not tenable with respect to the Bill, because all that was proposed to be done was simply to remove restrictions which had been imposed by the authority of Parliament itself, and the earliest of these was a clause in the Act of Uniformity of the time of Charles II. If the Colleges had suffered grievously from the state of things which previously existed, and were without protection up to the time of the passing of the Act of Uniformity, there might be some force in the argument; but he could not understand how it could be contended with fairness, or by recollection of history, that the repeal of a clause in a statute passed in the time of Charles II. could imperil the religion of Colleges which had existed for centuries before. The Bill would leave the Colleges in precisely the same state as before that period. It would not affect the statutes of the Colleges. The Colleges would be allowed to exercise their own discretion, and maintain or repeal such restrictions as they chose. He desired to correct an impression which his speech on a former occasion had conveyed to the mind of his right hon. Friend the Home Secretary. He had not, as had been imputed to him, said that his right hon. Friend had resorted to coarse and vulgar arguments. He could not have used that expression, because he always took care to give as much preparation to any remarks which he had the honour of addressing to the House as his time would allow. He certainly did think that one of his right hon. Friend's arguments did appeal to coarse and vulgar prejudice; but that was a very different thing from saying that the arguments themselves were coarse and vulgar; and as he had not yet been, and he trusted never would be, guilty of such a breach of manners as to apply such words to any hon. Member of the House, so there was no one to whom he should be less inclined to say anything disrespectful than his right hon. Friend the Secretary for the Home Department. He candidly confessed that there were certain difficulties, and perhaps dangers, which would arise both in the Universities and in the Colleges after the passing of the Bill, and which he was not prepared to meet. that was not the way to argue the question. What ought to be done was to examine both systems as a whole-to take the existing system with its disadvantages-to take the system proposed with its supposed disadvantages-and to see which was best for the interests of the country. It was impossible to meddle or alter an existing system without in so doing committing some positive mischief; but the question really was, whether the advantages were not so greatly in favour of the course proposed that, in spite of certain evils and difficulties which were likely to ensue, it But Question put. The House divided :-Ayes 198; Noes 140: Majority 58. Main Question put, and agreed to. Bill read a second time, and committed for Wednesday 22nd July. was the proper and statesmanlike course in Ireland, and that he had abandoned to pursue? That was a broad and intelli- crude attempt which had been made at gible footing on which to place the ques- commencement of the Session with re tion, and if that were done in this instance to the law of libel in this country. he, for one, had no fear of the result. soon as the latter Bill had been thorou understood it was evident that suc measure would not receive the asser the House, and many hon. Members laboured under a misapprehension with gard to it, and who at the outset inte to support his hon. Friend, felt bo on becoming alive to its effect, to the measure all the opposition in power. He regretted, however, to say Members of that House had been worried by circulars sent to them body calling itself the Provincial Association, that it had become very pending election, to perform their cult for them, in the presence of a For his own part, he had resisted al tempts at intimidation by an associati themselves at the expense of the publi tradesmen who were intent on benef LIBEL BILL-[BILL 3.] COMMITTEE. Order for Committee read. SIR COLMAN O'LOGHLEN, in moving the discharge of the Order for going into Committee on this Bill, said, he had introduced it on the 22nd of November last, and had taken every opportunity of for warding it through its various stages, but was now compelled most reluctantly to withdraw it. The present position of the Bill showed the difficulties which attended the attempt on the part of a private Member to pass an opposed Bill through Parliament. The Bill had been substantially talked to death, but if he had the honour of a seat in the next Parliament he should certainly bring it forward again. Order discharged. Bill withdrawn. LIBEL (IRELAND) BILL-[BILL 199.] (Sir Colman O'Loghlen, Mr. Pim.) COMMITTEE. Order for Committee read. SIR COLMAN O'LOGHLEN, in moving "that Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair," said, the object of the present Bill was to assimilate the law in Ireland to the law in England, and to deprive a plaintiff in an action for libel of costs unless he got 40s. damages. In Ireland at present a verdict in an action for libel for one farthing carried costs, and that law had worked great hardship in several recent cases. Bill considered in Committee. (In the Committee). MR. AYRTON said, he was glad to find that his hon. Friend the Member for Clare (Sir Colman O'Loghlen) had directed his efforts to endeavouring to remove the defects which existed in the law of libel SIR COLMAN O'LOGHLEN said, his hon. Friend, having omitted to m speech when he withdrew the former had apparently disburdened himself or intended to have made on the last. present measure of the speech he would not now reply to the remarks o hon. Friend, but would, if he had the portunity, answer the objections bot his hon. Friend and of other hon. M bers in the course of next Session. House resumed. Bill reported, without Amendment be read the third time To-morrow. GENERAL POLICE AND IMPROVEMENT LAND) ACT AMENDMENT BILL. On Motion of The LORD ADVOCATE, Bill to the qualifications of the Electors in places in land, under "The General Police and Imp ment (Scotland) Act, 1862," and to amen brought in by The LORD ADVOCATE and Sir J said Act in certain other respects, ordered FERGUSSON. Bill presented, and read the first time. [Bill INDORSING OF WARRANTS BILL. On Motion of Sir JAMES FERGUSSON, Bi amend the Law relating to the Indorsing of rants in Scotland, Ireland, and the Cha Islands, ordered to be brought in by Sir J FERGUSSON and Mr. Secretary GATHORNE A Bill presented, and read the first time. [Bill 2 House adjourned at five min before Six o'cl HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, July 2, 1868. MINUTES.]-PUBLIC BILLS-First ReadingMedway Regulation Act Continuance (199); University Elections (Voting Papers) (201); Curragh of Kildare * (195); Bank of Bombay' (196); New Zealand (Legislative Council)* (197); Consular Marriages (198); Bank Holi. days and Bills of Exchange (200); Local Government Supplemental (No. 3) (194); Prisons (Scotland) Administration Acts (Lanark shire) Amendment * (202). Committee - Boundary (170); Judgments Exten sion (160). . Report-Salmon Fisheries (Scotland)* (203); Drainage Provisional Order (158); Inclosure (No. 2)* (159); Local Government Supplemental (No. 4) (165); Local Government Supplemental (No.5)* (166), and passed. THE EARL OF MALMESBURY: My Lords, if on the one hand I feel both pride and pleasure at finding it my duty to make to your Lordships a proposition so honourable alike to your Lordships' House and to those to whom it is addressed, on the other hand I know that the task has fallen into hands hardly worthy of the great occasion, and that it ought to have fallen to some other of your Lordships more competent to deal with it as it deserves. Therefore I must ask your indulgence while I shortly put before you the great events to which this Motion refers, and ask your Lordships to consider how fair and just it is to do honour to the Army of England and also to the Navy who have been employed by Her Majesty's Government on this occasion. My Lords, Sir Robert Napier himself says at the end of his despatch that "it is difficult to find words that can do justice to every arm of the service which has been employed;" and if he finds it hard to do so, far more difficult must it be for me— who have not been present during the operations, and can only judge of them by what I read in his despatches-to do full justice to the forces on this occasion. And here in passing I may remark that the despatches of Sir Robert shew that the use of the pen is as inseparable from the name of Napier as the use of the sword. My Lords, it is now five years since I was one of the first-if not the first-to direct your Lordships' attention to what was passing in Abyssinia. That is a long period for Englishmen to suffer under the cruelties of a barbarous savage; but, if anyone is ready to find fault with our forbearance during that long time, he must recollect that it is always the duty of the strong man to bear patiently with the weak, and, until his insolence becomes intolerable, to refrain from any violent measures. But, my Lords, at last this conduct on the part of King Theodore did become intolerable-intolerable to the feelings of humanity, and intolerable to our feelings of honour as an independent country; and Earl of Derby), being then Premier, dein the year 1867 my noble Friend (the termined to chastise this half-educated savage. My Lords, in this he was supported by public opinion; and although no doubt there were some hesitation and Parliament and out of Parliament as to the some apprehension entertained both in difficulties that would have to be encountered, and as to the success of the Expedition; yet on the whole the country received with indulgence all that the Government intended to do, and displayed the same spirit and confidence in British energy which it has always shown on like occasions. And, my Lords, no confidence of that sort was ever justified more completely and rapidly than by the results of this Expedition. Sir Robert Napier, if he had within himwhich he has not-the epigrammatic bombast of Italian conquerors, might quote the three Latin words which Cæsar used to describe his own victory Veni, vidi, vici." He might have done so had his nature been the same; but I need only allude to his despatches to show how modest and how simple that nature is. Well, my Lords, it is remarkable that this Expedition was crowned with a rapidity of success of which I think there is hardly another instance. Lord Stanley's despatch to the Emperor Theodore informing him that war would be declared against him was written on the 16th of April, 1867, and on the 13th of April, 1868, Magdala was taken and the Emperor was no more. Exactly one year passed between the despatch of the Foreign Secretary of State, threatening Theodore with the vengeance of England, and the execution of that vengeance. Sir Robert Napier landed on the 3rd of January at Zoulla, and in exactly 100 days finished the war. My Lords, I need hardly say showed an activity in climbing t dangerous and slippery paths over mountains that astonished even the In officers who had seen them at work their own country. My Lords, I now come to the Re lutions which I have to move, and I t it better to read them at once. My L I propose to your Lordships to resolve "That the Thanks of this House be to Lieut.-General Sir Robert Napier, G. G.C.S.I., for the exemplary Skill with whic planned and the distinguished Energy, Cou and Perseverance with which he conducte Defeat by Her Majesty's Forces of the Ar recent Expedition into Abyssinia, resulting i King Theodore and the Vindication of the II of the Country by the Rescue from Captivi Her Majesty's Envoy and other British Sub and by the Capture and Destruction of the s Fortress of Magdala. "That the Thanks of this House be give Commodore Ileath, R.N., C.B., for the inde able Zeal and great Ability with which he ducted the Naval Operations connected with Success of the Expedition materially depend Transport of the Troops and Stores upon whic more in favour of the Commander-in-Chief | used in a champagne country, and n than by putting that simple fact before for draught than carriage; but in your Lordships. When this Expedition instance, when mortars and artillery was determined upon by Her Majesty's 18cwt. were put upon their backs, Government your Lordships are aware that the Bombay Government was intrusted with the management of the whole matter; and, taking it in the historical order of affairs, I must say that great credit is due to Sir Seymour Fitzgerald, who, under the advice of Sir Robert Napier, organized the Expedition in Bombay. Nothing could have been done with more sagacity, with more promptitude, or with greater judgment than the whole arrangement and organization of this Expedition under these two able men. Many of your Lordships have known Sir Seymour Fitzgerald in this country, and I for one can testify to his ability and industry when he was under me in the Foreign Office. I am, therefore, not at all surprised at the credit he has gained by the management of the arrangements and the organization of the Expedition. My Lords, Her Majesty's Government gave full powers to Sir Robert Napier to act in every respect as he thought fit, to determine as he pleased, and to act entirely upon his own judgment; and, my Lords, I think the event has proved how very important it is on such occasions, when you find a competent man, that you should give him as much liberty of action as possible. My Lords, the composition of the army was very remarkable. It consisted of men of different nations and of different creeds. There were Mahomedan and there were Christian troops; there were Chris-approve the Discipline, Gallantry, and Endur tian Sepoys, there were Beloochees and Hindoostanees; but this army, though of such different materials, was bound together by so solid a chain of discipline that throughout the whole campaign the utmost cordiality prevailed in every part of the force. Doubtless, my Lords, we owe much of this cordiality and good feeling to the character of Sir Robert Napier, who commanded them. It may not be out of place to mention some general facts respecting the organization of the Expedition, independently of the troops. There were 23,600 animals, exclusively of forty-two elephants, employed. The ships of various sorts numbered 231, with a tonnage that amounted altogether to 209,600 tons. And when we speak of the forty-two elephants that were employed, we cannot help observing that no such use has been made of those intelligent and magnificent animals since the days of Hannibal. In India they are "That the Thanks of this House be give Major-General Sir Charles Staveley, K. Major-General G. Malcolm, C. B., Major-Ge E. L. Russell, Brigadier-General W. Merewe Army for the Energy, Gallantry, and Ability which they have executed the various Ser which they have been called on to per throughout these arduous Operations. C.B., and the other Officers of the Navy "That this House doth highly acknowledge displayed by the Petty Officers, Non-com |