while not disinclined to Confederation with the maritime Provinces, they protested against union with Canada, on the ground that the interests and feelings of Canada were hostile to their own. They held, moreover, that an undue burden would fall upon them with regard to the defence of Canada, which, in case of war, would be the first point of attack. The experiment of Confederation must now be tried, and he trusted it would succeed; but it would have had a better chance of success had the language, not so much of the noble Duke as of his Under Secretary in the House of Commons, been more sympathetic and conciliatory.

ration Act was pressed forward by the noble Earl (the Earl of Carnarvon) last year. Objection had been taken to the Irish Church being dealt with by a moribund Parliament. Now, it was a moribund Parliament in Nova Scotia which sanctioned Confederation, and he last year pressed upon the noble Earl the important consideration that the elections were just coming on, and that it would be much better to delay the consideration of the subject until the opinions of the constituencies had been ascertained. That result proved to be adverse to the measure, but he thought the elections turned less upon Confederation than on another question on which a strong feeling prevailed. He had always advo- LORD LYTTELTON said, that bearing cated Confederation, but such a measure in mind the disclosures which had recently should be based upon consent, and though been made with regard to the Union with he admitted that technially there had been Ireland, and in other similar cases, he consent, it would have been better to wait could not help suspecting that something for the decision of the new Parliament, occurred during the Session of the colowhich he believed would not in that case nial Parliament in 1866 of which we were have been so adverse. The discontent not cognizant. It would be impossible, which existed was not to be allayed by however, to inquire into secret proceedings, telling the colonists that they were in the if there had been any; and it would be wrong and that the Canadian Parliament contrary to the principles of our colonial would hereafter grant them everything policy to refer the question of Confederathey required. In conversation with the tion to a Commission at the very comDelegates, he found that they complained mencement of its operation. He thought especially of the want of sympathy mani- the colonists had cried out before they fested by the British Parliament, and he were hurt, for, with the exception of a regretted that the noble Duke did not take slight increase in certain duties, they did advantage of their visit to this country to not appear to have actually suffered, while propose an Inquiry by a Committee of this they would no doubt be benefited by fuHouse, for the Delegates would have gone ture legislation. As to the argument that the away much better satisfied if their opinions colonial Legislature had no right to overhad been put on record. They also com- throw its own Constitution, it did not do so, plained that only ten Peers were present but simply expressed an opinion in favour when the Confederation Act passed. He of Confederation, while the Imperial Parhad no doubt of the loyalty of the Nova liament decided upon the measure. Scotians, but he feared that unless they must again express his regret that sufficifound themselves objects of sympathy and ent discussion had not taken place before interest on the part of the mother-country the passing of the Confederation Act, and they would turn their eyes to the United that a greater desire to conciliate had not States. Now, while thinking that if our been manifested. He trusted that every North American colonies chose to separate expression of sympathy would be used tofrom us they should be allowed to do so wards the people of Nova Scotia; and he, amicably, he had no wish that they should for his part, would not say that at no future throw themselves into the arms of the time and under no possible circumstances United States. He regretted that the should an independent Inquiry be undernoble Duke had not uttered a word of con- taken by this country in the sense the ciliation. Had he promised a Committee people of Nova Scotia wished. He did not of Inquiry next Session, or given some as- see any ground for supposing that the Parsurance that their case would be con- liament of Canada would not do justice to sidered, the colonists would have been Nova Scotia, and therefore he would remit more disposed to weigh the points which the petitioners to that authority. As far had been urged by him. To look to the Con- as expressions of our sympathy went we federate Parliament for redress was the should give them; but he would say that very thing to which they objected; for, it was impossible for us at the present mo

He

would not be great; and if it were true that the arguments were so strong in favour of Confederation, these would be elicited and would prevail; and we might hope to have a loyal colony instead of a discontented one.

EARL RUSSELL: Feeling that this question is one of the gravest importance, I wish to say a few words respecting it. It appears to me that whatever mistakes may have been made hitherto-and mistakes there have been-what we have to consider is the present state of affairs, and the best thing to be done upon the noble Lord's Motion. Now, looking at the facts of the case, I find that in 1863 the House of Assembly of Nova Scotia came to a Resolution

the end. The noble Duke the Secretary [tion. He thought, therefore, that however for the Colonies had talked a good deal of difficult such an Inquiry as was asked for, The expense the good that would hereafter result from it ought to be instituted. Confederation; but neither his noble Friend nor the noble Duke had dealt with the discontent which, notwithstanding all that had been said, was almost universal in Nova Scotia. Now, how did they intend to deal with this discontent? His noble Friend opposite had said, with that wisdom which he possessed in so high a degree, that coercion was a word he did not like to use between England and her colonies. Both his noble Friend's historical recollections and his own inclinations would have made him averse from employing coercion towards the Nova Scotians; but his noble Friend could not deny that we had in a way coerced them into this union, and that we were now coercing them to remain in it. Now there could be no doubt that if any-thatthing in addition to the eloquence of noble Lords could convince the Nova Scotians how much they were in the wrong it would be a new inquiry. The votes of the late elections showed what discontent existed. Out of thirty-eight persons elected to the Provincial Parliament thirty-six had sent to this country an Address praying, not for inquiry but for repeal; and of the nineteen elected to represent the Province of Canada, seventeen were in favour, at all events, of a sus pension of the Act of Confederation. Great importance must be attached to the possession of Nova Scotia, not only as a colony, but as containing at Halifax an important naval and military station, and as being, therefore, like Gibraltar and Malta, not a mere territorial possession, but a position essential to the maintenance of our mari

time supremacy. We should be very

cautious how we alienated the affections of these people. It was very well to lay down what we considered was good for them; but the question was rather what they thought was good for themselves. They believed that this Union would injure them. They might be excessively foolish in entertaining that idea; but as they did entertain it we should be exceedingly unwise to irritate them by disregarding their opinions. We might need, sooner than we expected, the help of Nova Scotia in order to maintain our position in North America, and we should take care to retain her good-will and friendship. In the reign of George III. no doubt his Ministers thought the people of Boston unwise in objecting to the imposition of the tea duty; but that was not the way to deal with such a ques

"In the opinion of this House it is desirable that a Confederation of the British North Ame rican Colonies should take place."

That, of course, implies a Confedera tion including Canada. It is, therefore, too late now to say that they objected in conformity with precedent and with reaaltogether to union with Canada. Acting son, I cannot say that that Resolution was not sufficient to proceed upon, and that there ought to have been a special Assembly called for the purpose of considering this question. The Legislative Council were fully entitled to adopt the Resolutions to which they came, and their Resolutions are binding. But then came a further Resolution, that it is desirable

"To arrange with the Imperial Government a scheme of union which will effectually insure just provision for the rights and interests of this Province."

The question arises whether we have made sufficient provision for the rights and interests of the Province of Nova Scotia. The colony has made a representation to the Imperial Parliament-and we all know that this has been an exceedingly loyal colony, and that it had rights and interests which it desired to preserve; and I think we shall all feel also that those rights and interests ought to be effectually provided for. The Province of Lower Canada had certain rights and interests which were guaranteed by the Act of the Imperial Legislature, and these rights and interests were provided for in the Act of Confederation; and, in like manner, the Act of Confederation should have provided, and I trust did pro

He

An Amendment moved, Clause 4, after (Salisbury ") insert ("South Shields.") -(The Lord Ravensworth).

whom the recommendations of the Royal | roughs, and particularly to Nottingham, Commissioners were completely upset, and Birmingham, and South Shields. in consequence of the delay thus occasioned feared the next demand would be to have their Lordships were precluded from the the county mapped out into equal electoral opportunity of considering the details of districts; and this, no doubt, would be folthe Bill. Why the recommendations of lowed by the equalization of the county the Commissioners should not have been and borough franchises. It was because adopted he was at a loss to understand. he was desirous to avoid such demands, The name of the Chairman of the Royal and to effect a real settlement of this Commission was alone a sufficient guaran- question for a generation at least, that, in tee to the public of the impartiality of its spite of adverse circumstances, he begged decisions. The Bill had been sent up to to move that the Parliamentary limits of this House at a time when it was almost the borough of South Shields be extended, impossible to consider it in its details. in accordance with the recommendation of Whatever interpretation might be put the Royal Commissioners. upon the language of the Prime Minister and a very forced interpretation was put upon it-it was admitted that any private Member of their Lordships' House might take up the question. His noble Friend (the Earl of Beauchamp) gave Notice of an Amendment, which would have given their Lordships an opportunity of considering some of the details of the Bill; but, upon being appealed to by the Government, the noble Earl withdrew his Motion. He (Lord Ravensworth) then, on the spur of the moment, gave Notice of his intention to call attention to one portion of the Bill. There were many boroughs which, no doubt, presented a strong case for the extension of their boundary, that of South Shields was as strong as any. Its population in 1861 was 35,000, and the Commissioners proposed to add to it Jarrow, which contained a population of 15,000 industrious men, chiefly engaged in shipbuilding. Jarrow was a place of great antiquity, and was in every respect identified with South Shields; yet the recommendation of the Commission was overthrown by the Committee, the grounds of whose decision were not stated in their Report. He had presented a petition signed by 440 of the most influential inhabitants, manufacturers and others in South Shields, praying that the Report of the Commission might be sustained. Much more depended upon their Lordships considering this question than the satisfaction of South Shields and of Jarrow. Unless steps were taken to include such places as Jarrow within the limits of the Parliamentary boroughs next to them, very grave questions would arise in future, for it was impossible to suppose a system of representation could continue which excluded from the franchise the population on one side of the street and admitted the householders on the other side. Yet this description at present applied to many bo

THE EARL OF MALMESBURY said, he was anxious that there should not be a repetition of the scene witnessed by their Lordships the other evening, and hoped the discussion on this subject would terminate in a way very different from that in which it had been begun. He would, therefore, not follow his noble Friend in his bistory of what occurred in the House of Commons, but would be content to refer to the reasons which he gave the other evening to his noble Friend, Lord Beauchamp-who was now absent from the House-when, on behalf of the Government, he begged his noble Friend to withdraw the Amendments which stood in his name. He would not repeat those reasons, but must ask his noble Friend (Lord Ravensworth) not to persist in the Motion he had just made. His noble Friend, however, would not infer from this request that he at all dissented from the arguments just addressed to their Lordships. Indeed, from the very commencement of the discussions in the other House the Government had always been of opinion that the decision of the Royal Commissioners was on the whole the best. Under the circumstances, however, he must ask his noble Friend to withdraw the Amendment, and allow the Bill to pass in its present form.

LORD REDESDALE said, he wished to state why he should support the Amend. ment. He had not entered into the debate the other night because it was carried on in a tone which he did not desire to adopt; but on the present occasion he deemed it necessary to make some remarks on the manner in which the House had been treated in regard to this Bill and the Scotch Reform Bill, which were two of the most im