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been introduced in France as far back as forty years ago, and had led to great economy in the expenditure for warlike purposes. In a pamphlet published by Major General Balfour the arguments used by the gentleman who had proposed it in the French Chambers will be found stated. That gentleman asked whether public property was precious only when it consisted of monies, and whether 100,000 francs ought not to be looked after when they were transferred to bronze, hemp, or other articles, as well as when they were in specie. He further observed that the Chambers, while holding Ministers responsible for even a centime in money, kept no efficient control over the vast sums expended in Warlike Stores. Major General Balfour himself expressed a strong opinion as to the necessity for a regular Return to Parliament of the consumption and stock of Stores. Last year he brought forward a Motion on the subject of the conversion of guns. At that time we had 30,000 cast iron guns rotting in our stores, which guns had for several years previously been treated as so much rubbish. The officers of the Government had done everything to prevent them from being regarded as anything else. If year after year those guns had appeared in a Return presented to Parliament was it at all likely that the House of Commons would have gone on voting large sums for new guns without making an effort to have those old ones utilized in some way. Again, if such a Return was laid before Parliament, the House of Commons would not allow the War Department to fling in their face its inefficiency in respect of accounting for certain items of military expenditure in the colonies. This was done now in a note stating

"This is exclusive of the army accoutrements, barrack, hospital, and other stores, a great portion of which is supplied from this country, and the

value of which cannot be stated."

The Department might just as well say that the cost of the food and clothing of soldiers in the colonies could not be stated. He had now to call attention to the manufacturing establishments. During the last Parliament those establishments were the subject of very great anxiety to the House of Commons; but the present Parliament had taken little or no notice of those establishments. It had allowed them to increase without making any inquiry or putting any check upon them. He ventured to remind the House of the arguments used

in favour of those establishments. They were to give the Government the power of manufacturing for themselves in times of emergency, and also, he might say, to give them a certain efficiency in manufacturing. The second object in view was to have a check over trade prices in times of emer gency. The third was, by having large manufacturing establishments, to enable the War Department to do with only a small stock on hand in times of peace. In his evidence before the Ordnance Select Committee Colonel Boxer adduced the lastmentioned argument in favour of those establishments. He now ventured to ask what had been the result of setting up those large manufacturing establishments? He admitted that in point of execution the gun-carriages and other work were perfection. With regard to our manufacturing establishments being a check over trade prices, he was afraid they had never shot the mark; because so effectual had been their check over trade prices that we had almost ceased to have any trade prices as a check over the prices of our manufacturing establishments. He thought this position was a worse one than would have been even that of our having no check over trade prices. It was true that for small articles, such as small arms, we went to the trade; but speaking as regarded the heavier articles, he was correct in saying that we had now no trade prices. With regard to the third expected advantagethe decrease of our stock of stores in times of peace, having no Return to go by he was unable to give a correct statement of facts; but he would venture to say that in neither this country nor any other were there to be found any establishments so filled to repletion as our Government estab lishments were with every kind of Warlike Stores. Though the last Parliament was of opinion that manufacturing establishments were desirable, that was only to a moderate extent. Sir Benjamin Hawes and Mr. Godley both stated their opinion that the Government should not carry the system of manufacturing in public estab lishments too far. The former Gentleman said he thought that we should rely more on private enterprize. The country had gone on increasing its establishments to such an extent that they had come at last to believe that they had a vested right, not only to manufacture but to invent; and that if any man dared to enter the field against them he was to be opposed by every means. To such an extent had

the system been carried, that he no longer felt any faith in figures which might be placed in the mouth of any Secretary of State for War, or any Estimates which might be laid before a Select Committee when comparison was made between Government work and that of an outsider. These were grave charges, but he was prepared to substantiate them. Last year, when he had raised the question as to the conversion of guns, the right hon. Baronet the Secretary of State replied that it was chiefly a question of expense, and the difference in price between the new 63-ton gun as made at Woolwich, and the converted gun, was the difference between £405 and £263, or £142. This was while the Gun Factories were opposing the work; but by a Report

of the Ordnance Select Committee, recently laid on the table, he found from an Estimate of the Royal Gun Factories, for the same work, that the difference was put at £268 instead of £142-this change in the price being mainly owing to the Ordnance Select Committee having reported favourably. He had further been informed that when the Royal Gun Factories heard that there was a chance of the conversion of these guns being given to the trade, they immediately reduced their estimates by £23 a gun. In 1864, the question of heavy ordnance was mooted; but the expense of their manufacture was so heavy that the Ordnance Select Committee were

"Instructed to give their early and best attention to the question of providing some cheaper mode of construction for heavy guns, looking to the probable introduction of a large number of such guns for coast defences, and to the importance of reducing the expense which would attend their supply as made at present."

with wrought-iron barrel, £482; cast-iron gun with wrought-iron barrel, £600. The glaring injustice of asserting that to make a gun two-thirds of cast-iron and one-third of wrought-iron would cost £118 more than to make one wholly of wrought-iron would at once be evident; but the Ordnance Select Committee were bound to take the Estimates furnished to them, and upon these Estimates they reported as follows:

"The Committee do not at present recommend experiments to test the efficiency of Major Palliser's method, on the ground that it appears to be less economical than the gun constructed wholly of wrought iron."

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"This does not include an estimate of the cost

of the 12-ton gun made of cast-iron with a wrought-iron barrel. The Superintendent, Royal Gun Factories, states that when called upon by the Ordnance Select Committee for such an estimate, he explained to them his inability to furnish it, and that the estimate he did lay before that body (and which appears in their Report) was one of a compound gun, constructed on a general principle, in accordance with Major Palliser's views, as expressed in a (published) Letter to Captain Heyman, Secretary to the Ordnance Select Committee, on the 18th of May, 1864, and illustrated by a drawing; but, finding that this was not the description of gun they de sired, he withdrew it."

The Ordnance Select Committee appended the following Note to their Report:

"In this Report the estimates sent in by the With such directions as these, the servants Superintendent of the Royal Gun Factories have of the Government to whom the Commit been taken into consideration, as well as that of tee had to refer for information, ought to the Palliser gun, handed in by the Superintenhave taken especial care that their figures dent, and withdrawn by him, as before stated. The were correct, or as nearly so as possible. treated the latter as if it were an estimate for a Ordnance Select Committee, in their Report, have There were three proposals submitted-cast-iron gun with a wrought-iron barrel; and two by the Royal Gun Factories, and one by Major Palliser; but, according to the existing practice, the Gun Factories had to estimate for all three. The proposals made by the Royal Gun Factories were a wrought iron gun with a wrought-iron barrel, or a wrought-iron gun with a steel barrel. Major Palliser's proposal was a cast iron gun with a wrought-iron barrel. The respective estimates sent in by the Royal Gun Factories were Wroughtiron gun, with steel barrel, £684; ditto,

now state that, as far as their records show, it stands as given in their Report, and they were not aware the estimate had been withdrawn. They see no reason, however, to doubt the fact.” This transaction called for no remark whatever from him; the facts spoke for themselves. He sincerely trusted the Secretary of State for War would look upon them in their true light, and not treat them, as he did in November, as mere matters of account. He proposed to trace the history of these guns somewhat fur

appointed merely represented the different interests of those manufacturing establishments in the War Office, where they were already sufficiently powerful, he could not be of the slightest use in looking after their economical working. To what were the evils to which he referred due? Simply to the enormous increase of those estab lishments. The House voted, year after year, large sums of money for the increase of the capital account of those establishments; and yet they were unable to tell whether that outlay would be remunerative or not. Nay, more; there was no man in the War Department who was able to give an opinion on that point. The evidence given by Mr. Anderson, chief engineer of the Royal Gun Factory, before the Committee of 1860, with respect to an increased outlay of £100,000 upon that establishment, showed that no man but Mr. Anderson himself was able to give an opinion whether that increased outlay would be remunerative. Again, with the facilities which those manufacturing establishments now had for coming to the House and increasing their capital account it was no wonder that they should do so. And that they did, not only in the Esti mates brought before the House, but by the various applications they made after the Vote was passed to the War Office and the Treasury for the transfer of money from one item to another. Never in one single instance had the head of those manufacturing Departments asked for a transfer from capital account to wages, but it was invariably from wages to mate. rial and from material to capital account. In 1864-5 no less than £45,000 was transferred from wages to materials in the Royal Gun Factories alone. In 1865-66 the Royal Gun Factories applied for £4,100 for increasing the machinery; and it was said that it would be more than covered by the saving in material. On the 17th of October an application was made for £14,000 for increasing the material, to be paid for out of the savings in wages. In December, in consequence of the great pressure of work at the Royal Gun Factories, it was necessary to spend a large sum of money for furnaces. In spite of the Appropriation Act passed every year, the House had no control what ever over the money it voted for those manufacturing establishments. In the expenditure for the year ending the 31st of March, 1867, there was an excess over the grants made by that House of £41,129

ther. In consequence of the Report of the Ordnance Select Committee a sample gun was made in 1864 on the cheap construction pattern, with a steel tube, the cost, which he had taken from the manufacturing accounts, being-for labour, £156; material, £516; percentage, £72; making a total of £744, or £61 more than the original estimate. In 1866 the gallant General the late Secretary of State for War (General Peel) adopted the cheap construction principle; and twenty-five guns of that class were ordered. The manufacturing accounts laid before the House this year showed that these cheap construction guns cost in each case-labour, £194; material, £554; percentage, £82; making a total of £830, or £76 more than the sample gun, and £147 more than the original estimate. The difference between the gun of 1866 and the sample gun, in labour alone, was £38, although in 1866 there were greater facilities in the shape of heavy steam cranes and hammers, and although the sample gun was made in seven pieces and the gun of 1866 in six pieces. Moreover, they had acquired greater experience in 1866; and it was always cheaper to make a number of guns than to make only one. With regard, again, to material, the steel in the gun of 1866 cost £48 less than in the gun of 1864; while the total material was represented as costing £38 more. Upon this calculation the iron and coal of the gun of 1866 would have cost £86 more than the iron and coal of the sample gun of 1864; but in point of fact iron had fallen £1 per ton meanwhile, and the material used was absolutely less than that used in the sample gun of 1864. He trusted that these statements of his would be thoroughly investigated, and for that purpose he was ready to lay them before a Select Committee. He had no personal interest to serve or to promote; his only object was to point out the system which this country had raised up, and the powerful influence which it brought to bear against both manufacturers and inventors in this country. The right hon. Baronet, when he brought forward the Army Estimates, admitted that they ought to be a subject of very great anxiety to the House of Commons, and that the House had little or no control over them; and he also proposed, as some improvement in the organization of those establishments, to set up one man as the head of the Arsenal at Woolwich. If, however, the man they

for the Royal Gun-carriage Department; and you shall charge to the Superinalso an excess of £53,820, for the Royal tendent of Contracts in the War DeGun Factories; all that being for ma- partment such a sum as will not only chinery, new works, and materials; for enable you to produce the article you rethe Royal Laboratory the excess was quire, but to pay the interest on your £54,415; and the excess for the Royal capital, and also to provide for wear and Small Arms Factories was £89,065- tear and depreciation of machinery." He making an excess, in those four Depart- maintained that by that plan they would ments only, of £238,429; or with the sur- place their manufactories on a sound complus on other Votes, a total excess of mercial footing; and that was the only £274.661 upon Estimates of £970,000. way in which they could possibly obtain The House did not know how many guns an accurate account of the articles they or gun carriages they had for that money. produced and their cost. They would If £100,000 were voted for machinery thus be able to tell whether the money for the manufacture of large guns the had been properly expended or not, and money was spread over every article they the result would be an enormous saving made in the Gun Factories, so that the in many items of expenditure which under House could not know the actual cost of the present system were wasted. Morethe guns, or make any comparison of the over, instead of interfering, as they did at prices with those of the private trade. the present moment, in carrying out exAnother objection to the present system periments with the public money, those was that they were unable to separate establishments would confine themselves their naval and military accounts for raw to their proper work-namely, that of material. Everybody who wished for manufacturing, and doing it in the best economy in the army expenditure had and cheapest manner they could. When always felt the importance of having a the responsibility was thus thrown on separation between their naval and mili- them for the increase of the capital actary accounts; but such a thing was im- count, they would take care, before they possible as long as they maintained the spent money on new plant, machinery, present system with regard to those manu- and new buildings, that they saw their facturing establishments. They had never way to its being remunerative. We should known in one single year whether they also be able, for the first time in the hisworked those establishments at a profit or tory of this country to separate our naval a loss. Now, he had a proposal which and military accounts. The establishment he wished the House to consider. He could open a separate account with the said they ought to throw on the man to Admiralty, and the Indian Government whom they intrusted a manufacturing would be able to go to them and order establishment the responsibility of proving what they wanted in exactly the same that any application he made for an in- way they did with private contractors. crease of the capital account was really He had heard it urged as an objection to necessary. He proposed that they should his proposal that it would be impossible say to Colonel Boxer or any other person to pit Government manufactories against who was placed over those establishments private trade; but he had the testimony -"We shall set you up with plant, ma- of Colonel Boxer to the effect that the chinery, buildings, and everything that Government Departments possessed many is necessary to carry on your work; that advantages over private establishments, plant, machinery, &c., shall be valued at and that it would be a disgrace to them a certain sum of money, on which you if they did not manufacture much more shall pay so much interest in hard cash cheaply than private manufacturers. The into the Treasury; the only person you result of the adoption of such a plan as he shall have any communication with in the suggested would be to secure a clear sysWar Department shall be the Director of tem of accounts. He believed there had Contracts or the head of the Control De- been gross extravagance in those estabpartment; you shall enter with him into lishments, and the sooner they were put contracts in exactly the same way as he on a proper footing the better. enters into contracts with the private trade; the articles you produce in your manufactories shall be subjected to an independent inspection exactly like the articles produced by, the private trade; VOL. CXCIII. [THIRD SERIES.]

Amendment proposed,

end of the Question, in order to add the words "in order to ensure economy in our Expenditure on Warlike Stores, it is advisable to have an

To leave out from the word "That" to the

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annual Statement laid upon the Table of this House, showing the quantity and value of each description of Stores in the possession of the Troops, or in the Arsenals and Storehouses, the quantity issued and consumed during each year, and the replacements in consequence of a change of pattern or of the ordinary annual consumption; that in order to prevent the manufacture of Warlike Stores becoming a mere monopoly in the hands of the Government Establishments it is advisable to purchase a certain proportion of the articles required for Military purposes from the private trade; and to ensure accuracy of accounts, economy of production, and fair comparison of Government with trade prices, the Manufacturing Departments shall be treated as private firms, the Government purchasing the articles required at remunerative prices, to be provided from Army and other Votes, and the capital charges of the Establishments (whether for build ings, plant, or working capital,) being provided by advances at interest made by the Public Works Loan Commissioners,"-(Major Anson,) -instead thereof.

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

MR. HAYTER said, that before the right hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for War replied, it would be convenient that he should call the attention of the House to what was comparatively a small matter, but nevertheless one of great importance-namely, the advantage of returning to the old practice in respect to the serving out of ball ammunition. The prac. tice up to the year 1827 was to keep the twenty rounds of ball ammunition now carried by all non-commissioned officers and privates of the army in store, to be served out to the men only when going on guard, or when held in readiness for immediate duty. That practice still obtained in the cavalry. It was absurd to suppose that it would be considered a slur upon the army to withdraw this ammunition from the possession of the men. He heard a general complaint expressed of the delicate character of the Snider ammunition, inasmuch as it was apt to break through the paper, and becoming loose was rendered unfit for use. When such an accident occurred the whole expense of re-covering it fell upon the captains of companies, which was viewed by them as unjust. If the practice he suggested were adopted also, they would get rid of the double process which was now required on every field day, when the ball cartridge had to be delivered into store, previous to the issue of the blank. Should it be necessary to hold the troops in readiness, a previous order would be given by the

general officers in command, or whole battalions might be served with ball cartridge in twenty minutes. Much greater security would also be obtained against the acts of men of violent and furious temper, or of drunken habits, who in their moments of insanity were tempted to perpetrate crimes of murder or manslaughter, from which they themselves would wish to be guarded against. He need only remind the House that in 1861 there were six cases of military murder to show the importance of adopting some means to prevent the repetition of such offences. In the present year a case had lately occurred at the Horfield Barracks, Bristol, in which a Serjeant Maskell, of the 3rd Buffs, armed with a breech-loader, had fired five successive shots in the barrack-yard and ultimately taken the life of a private soldier, before the guard could close with him, and this murder was also committed

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with the service ball ammunition. though happily there had been a considerable diminution of such crimes of late years, they nevertheless occasionally occurred under circumstances to excite the utmost horror and alarm. Military friends of his were in favour of the plan he recommended, and amongst them he would wish to include Lord Penrhyn, who as an old adjutant, and strong Conservative in military matters, gave to this proposal his most strenuous support.

COLONEL NORTH said, he trusted that the right hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for War would not follow the advice of the hon. and gallant Member. Every officer he had spoken with expressed surprise that an officer could be found to make such a suggestion, which, in plain English, meant that our soldiers were such a body of assassins that they ought not to be trusted with ammunition. It was a gross insult to the army. If they could not be trusted with ammunition, they were not fit to be soldiers at all.

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON, who rose with other hon. Members, said, he had given way to the hon. Member for Wells (Mr. Hayter), as he thought that he was going to address the House on the larger question introduced by the hon. and gallant Member for Lichfield (Major Anson). He was ready to admit the great importance of the proposals embraced in the Motion of that hon. and gallant Member who was entitled to thanks for the attention he had given to a subject, which not only involved the interests of the country as regarded

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