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under the United States." Thus reads the last clause of article 6 [section 3] of the constitution. By what authority do we prescribe a political test for the same offices? What would you say, were one of the States to ordain by its constitution or by statute, that office-holders should swear or subscribe to a religious formula, declaring man to be a mere machine-destitute of free-will or the power of voluntary action? Now you virtually, nay in terms, prescribe this very condition to your political candidates, without law and in spite of the constitution. You command them in all things to speak and act as the veriest machines imaginable. They are but as clay in the hands of the potter-to be moulded into any form, and to be used for any purpose.

7. "Independence. Liberty." These terms, of widely different import, are often confounded, or regarded as synonymous by Americans. It should never be forgotten that the revolutionary struggle was commenced simply to repel aggression, and to assert our constitutional rights as Englishmen. Our complete national independence was soon afterwards declared and eventually established. And thus resulted a very important change both of the name and form of our government. As we had never been slaves in any sense; and as, on the whole, we appear to have been tolerably loyal and contented subjects of his Britannic majesty, down to the passage by Parliament of the famous Stamp Act; experience must decide how much additional freedom has been gained by the change. National independence and civil liberty are totally different things. Russia, Austria,

France, Spain-are as independent as the United States. Mexico and South America have recently become inde pendent also and so has Belgium. Whether, in any of the latter, the people have acquired more personal or political liberty than they possessed before, is at least questionable. The worst species of iniquitous tyranny may be inflicted by a republican or democratic government. And a large measure of individual liberty may be enjoyed under a monarchy, and even under the most absolute despotism. Our Fourth of July and stump orators would do well to keep this distinction in view. They do injustice to our free-born ancestors by representing them as slaves: and their indiscriminate laudation of everything American is calculated to mislead and to inflate the present generation. That we are the freest, happiest, most enlightened and virtuous people on earth, may be true. Our pertinacious and everlasting reiteration of the fact, however, will not render it the more credible or the more attractive in the estimation of others. If foreigners were to judge from our newspapers, and from speeches in Congress and in the State legislatures, they would probably infer that we are about the worst governed people in the world. And assuredly, if one half of the miseries complained of, really exist, we might with good reason envy the happy lot of the Turk and the Russian.

Again: National independence does not imply or insure personal independence. It has been often remarked that Americans have less manly independence of character than is observable in some European countries. That,

though nominally and legally free, yet that public opinion is omnipotent over the land; that none dare oppose it, or can successfully resist it. Everybody is governed by party or sect. Hence, no man will be sustained or countenanced by numbers, who does not surrender his own mind to their control. Hence the paucity of original thinkers among us. Hence the universality of party or sectarian tyranny. Hence the general absence of moral courage. Hence the mortifying fact, that while we have innumerable talented busy politicians, we have no thorough-bred, honest, uncompromising, heroic statesmen. The latter have no field, no scope, no opportunity to exhibit or exert their faculties. There is no market -no demand for them. They are not tolerated among us. Let any high-minded patriot, with the integrity of Moses and Aristides, combined with the wisdom of a Solomon and a Franklin, attempt to pursue a straightforward course for the sole benefit of the whole republic; and he will soon find himself checked, embarrassed, silenced, by the tortuous and blighting policy of a domineering party spirit, on either hand. He can find no independent foothold-no single resting-place upon which to plant his mighty lever. He must either retire from the service altogether, or enlist as a partisan against his better judgment; and thus be compelled to give to party what was meant for mankind.

8. "The States not severally independent." "The States never possessed the essential rights of sovereignty. These were always vested in Congress." "The States ought to be placed under the control of

the General Government; at least as much so as they formerly were under the King and British Parlia

ment."*

The States, at this moment, possess not a single attribute of sovereignty. They cannot declare war or make peace. They cannot commission nor receive foreign ambassadors; nor form treaties or alliances. They cannot coin money, nor emit bills of credit. They cannot maintain armies or navies. They cannot regulate their own commerce, nor impose duties on goods imported or exported.

9. "Conscience." No public man ought ever to make his own conscience the guide, standard or test of his actions. The constitution and law of the land are to regulate his official conduct. The constitution and the laws, namely, as understood and explained by the legitimate authorities and tribunals:-not as his own little, all-sufficient, infallible, one-sided conscience may happen to dictate. He should be conscientious, indeed, in going by the established rule-not in creating the rule itself, nor in modifying it to suit his conscience. One wrongheaded, conscientiously obstinate man may do more harm in office, than a hundred rogues, who neither have, nor pretend to have, any conscience at all. Beware of men who boast of their conscience, or who plead conscience on all occasions and for all their measures. They will be very apt to enact the Judas or Arnold, the Dominic or Robespierre, sooner or later.

* Madison's Speech before the Convention. See Yates' Notes, etc. pp. 199, 200.

10. "My own position defined." Here I add a remark personal and apologetic. I never, on any occasion, in public or in private, abuse or denounce sects, parties, classes, communities or professions, in the gross. I censure and condemn only the wicked, dishonest and hypocritical of all sects and parties. If any such choose to apply my hard words to themselves or to others, it is their own affair-not mine. With the persecuting, narrow, bigoted, intolerant, exclusive spirit of party and sectarism, I make no terms. For this evil spirit, I cherish no sentiment of approval or respect. Towards fair-dealing individuals of all parties and denominations, I cheerfully extend the right-hand of fellowship and good-will.

Nor do I claim to be exempt from, or above the reach of, religious or political prejudice or preference. If I am a democrat, I ought at least to be a good democratic American and if my neighbour whig is a good whig American, why may we not live in peace and charity as Americans? If I happen, by birth or education or choice, to be a Presbyterian: need I therefore vex my brother, because, for the same or better reasons, he is a Methodist? If we are both honest Christians, why should we quarrel about names or forms or metaphysics?

Again: Though I cannot say as some have done, "I never seek and never refuse office;" I may truly say, that I have never sought office, and that office has never sought me. What I would say, were a right good lucrative or honourable public office fairly offered me, will be

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