If therefore the manufacturers did really increase their profits with the increase of demand, it would not be a just subject of complaint, with any of the other classes of society, who exactly pursue this plan themselves. But it does not follow, that a rise in the price of a manufactured article produces an increase of the profits of the manufacturer. By no means. Three items regulate the price of manufactures-the cost of the material-the price of labour--and the profit of the manufacturer. Now, it is too obvious to require enforcement, that an increase of demand always increases the price of the first-and very frequently of the second. Let us then suppose, that of a yard of broadcloth, which sells for six dollars, the raw material costs two-the labour two-and that the manufacturer has a profit of the other two. If the demand by any means be greatly increased, the price of the wool may rise half a dollar--and of the labour as much more. Thus the article may be sold at seven dollars--and the manufacturer not make more per yard-and less per cent. than when he sold at six dollars. This is a random case--but sufficient to elucidate the point. Against extortion, on the part of manufacturers, the public have two good safeguards. One is, the competition among them. selves, which is at all times sufficient to prevent imposition to any very material extent. The other is, the danger of encouraging the European articles, which are always ready to be poured into the country in extravagant quantities. VIII. The most odious and oppressive form in which public contributions can be levied, is excise. However free the constitution or laws of a country may generally be, those citizens or subjects on whom an excise system operates, are, so far as respects the support of government, in a state of as much oppression as the subjects of the veriest despotism in Europe. Their houses are liable to domiciliary visits-the whole of their business open to the inspection of tax-gatherers--they are subject to the necessity of keeping their accounts according to rules and orders, with which it is almost impossible for many of them to comply-and in many cases they are liable to pains and penalties for perjury, when their intentions are perfectly fair and honourable. And so far as res pects property, despotism does not, I believe, exhibit itself under a more frightful aspect than this, in any part of Europe. That there are cases, nevertheless, in which it is perfectly right and proper for government to impose excises, and 58 in which it is the duty of the citizens to submit to them cheerfully, I am satisfied. And that the situation of this country, during the last session of congress, when the excise system was adopt. ed, was such as loudly called for and justified it, is, I think, equally clear. The people should have borne a tax on births or funerals, on the light of heaven, or the air they breathe, rather than submit to an invading enemy. And I think it was creditable to the nation, that congress relied so far on its patriotism as to risk their popularity on a system so obnoxious, which nothing but dire necessity could justify. But when peace was restored-when the merest sciolist in political economy must be perfectly satisfied, that the impost would be amply adequate to meet all possible demands of the government it was a most unpardonable sin of the democratic majority not to repeal this most odious of all the odious forms of taxation. To continue the domiciliary visits of excisement-and all the revolting detail of this system, when there was so obviously no necessity for it, and when it could be done away without any possible disadvantage, was a gross dereliction of duty on the part of the thirteenth congress a disregard of the feelings and just claims of a large portion of their fellow-citizens, that cannot fail to ensure them the most unqualified censure of their constituents. And there is no doubt that they had political sins enough to answer for, without this addition to the catalogue. IX. French Decrees-English Orders in Council. I have already several times incidentally touched on these mea sures in the course of this work. But I cannot resist the temptation once more to raise my feeble voice against them in a few concluding observations. The whole history of the world may be ransacked in vain to find any parallel to these barefaced violations of the law of nations. They alone would be sufficient to stamp the era through which we have passed with disgrace and dishonour. Two great nations-or rather the governments of two great nations strain every nerve for mutual destruction. For the at tainment of this object, there is a most wanton and prodigal sacrifice made of human life and human happiness. Yet in the midst of this frightful devastation, they most perfectly accord on one point, which is, to depredate on the property of unoffending and unprotected neutrals or in terms of the Boston merchants-"TO PREY❞—yes, it is "to prey upon the unprotected property of a friendly power." This, as I have already stated three or four times, is the language of the merchants of Boston, signed by their committee, James Lloyd, George Cabot, David Green, Arnold Welles, John Coffin Jones, and T. H. Perkins. If it be offensive, let these gentlemen answer for it, What is the meaning of " to prey?" Dr. Johnson, who is indisputable lexicographical authority-tells the world-that-" to prey, is neither more nor less, than" to plunder-to rob." Thus it appears that the whole body of merchants of the town of Boston, in 1806, publicly, accused the British government of plundering and robbing" "the unprotected property of a friendly power." And that the "decrees" were of an equally" prey. ing" character, will not be disputed. And what was the palliation of this preying system? France constantly and earnestly protested, that England had begun the trade of "preying," and that she had only followed her example. England with equal vehemence answered that the "preying" had begun on the other side of the channel. And on this miserable, contemptible pretence, they "preyed" upon American property between them, to the amount probably of thirty millions of dollars. In a word, it appears that both parties thought us unable to protect ourselves, and therefore that our commerce was lawful prey,' to avail myself once more of the phraseology of Mr. Lloyd and his friends. 6 It might be thought impossible to add a shade to this odious system. But this is an error. The last stroke of the pencil is wanted. While each of these nations" preyed" upon the lawful commerce of the United States with her enemy, they carried on in the midst of a raging and devouring war, a traffic with each other, erected on the basis of fraud and perjury, a considerable portion of the materials of which traffic arose from the American property "preyed," upon by their cruisers!!!!! The New-York merchants prefer an accusation against the orders in council, full as strong in substance-but not quite so plain in style as their Boston brethren. They state that "having totally suppressed the external commerce of her enemies, Great Britain is counselled to APPROPRIATE to herself that of her friends." The term "appropriate" is more Chesterfieldian than prey." But it is, after all, the same dish, a little more nicely garnished. The privateersman who "preyed" upon the "unprotected property of a friendly power" merely "appropriated" that property to himself. That in the whole world a single man, who did not profit by this system, should be found to justify, or palliate it, is amazing beyond expression. But that American merchants, whose vital interests and whose country's dearest rights it cut up root and branch, should have taken this ground,as we know they have done, will to our posterity appear as fabulous and as romantic as the celebrated history of Don Bellianis of Greece-the renowned history of Parismus, Parismenos, and Parismenides-or the delectable tales of Aladdin's wonderful lamp, and Sinbad the Sailor. It will be asked, why discuss this subject now? what pur pose can it answer but to anger and to irritate-to prevent the wounds received and given from cicatrizing? Ought not these topics to be buried in eternal oblivion? Can this be a proper time for such enquiries? I answer, this is the time-the only time. What purpose would the discussion answer during the violence and turbulence of war? A period of peace is precisely the time to investigate the question, all important to the United States, whether the rights of neutral nations are to be held by the tenure of the forbearance, the moderation, the justice and generosity of belligerents-a tenure, of the precariousness of which we have seen so many admonitory examples-or whether the rights, the sovereignty, the trade, the commerce of neutral nations shall be treated by belligerents with the respect to which they are entitled. This is a glorious theme for enlightened men on both sides of the Atlantic-worthy of a Milton, a Grotius, a Puffendorff, a Henry, a Dickinson, or a Franklin. THE END. JNIVERSITY INDEX, NO. 1. Those articles not found in this Index, may be sought for in No. II. ] Adam's Defence of the American Constitutions, tribute to, 31 49, 50 Alexander, emperor, his opinion of the justice of the war, 248 43 Alien and sedition laws, opposition to, American revolution, barbarities perpetrated in, 36 American merchants, true policy of, 107 Americans vindicating the outrages of Great Britain, 131 American impressed sailors scourged for trying to procure redress, 197 219 American slaves on board British men of war, Appointment of Mr. Gallatin, as minister, impolitic, 57 Armistice, proposed by admiral Warren, 53-rejected by Mr. Ma- 54 reagh, Attack on the Chesapeake, statement of the, 180-Remarks on, Armistice proposed by Mr. Madison, 55-rejected by lord Castle. Arnold, Benedict, treason of Associations to prevent the success of the loans, 56 332 297 224 51 *307,1313 Baring Sir Francis, purchased 2200 shares in the Bank U. States, 53 251 126 Berlin decree not enforced against American vessels, for 12 months, Boston has 44 members in the house of representatives of Massa- 409 chusetts, Boston, turbulence of, 263 Boyle's (captain) blockade of the British dominions, 119 British depredations brought on the tapis in the senate of the Uni- 107 ted States, |