landlords, who had succeeded the monks, looked upon landholding as a business, and rackrented their tenants to get a high interest from their investments. The atrocious law against vagabonds shows how bad the feeling between class and class had become. A local dispute now set the countryside ablaze. Robert Ket, lord of the manor of Wymondham, had a quarrel with a neighbouring landlord, and put himself at the head of a mob which was pulling down fences and denouncing enclosures. Before long a great army had collected on Mousehold Hill, outside Norwich, where Ket held a sort of court under an oak-tree, which he called the Tree of Reformation. Very moderate demands were sent up to the Council, praying that enclosures should be restrained and that “all bondmen may be made free, since God made all free with His precious blood-shedding." Getting no answer, Ket captured Norwich and defeated the royal troops.

The end of the
Protectorate,

1549.

Somerset sympathised with the eastern rebels, but was too weak to remedy their grievances. The revolts had to be put down, and he was pushed aside by stronger men. As Englishmen declined to fight against their brethren, foreign mercenaries were employed who had no scruples. In August John Russell, soon afterwards made Earl of Bedford, put down the western revolt, while Warwick defeated the Norfolkmen with terrible slaughter at Dussendale. The Council now sought to get rid of Somerset altogether. In despair he strove to rally the people on his side. Early in October he was degraded from the Protectorate and confined to the Tower. With unwonted leniency, he was soon released from prison, and even restored to the Council. But his power was at an end. Henceforth the Council resolved to keep the government in its own hands.

8. It was hard for a weak man like Somerset to wield the authority of Henry VIII. It was impossible for a little The misrule of knot of greedy and quarrelsome councillors Warwick and the even to affect to carry on the strong rule, Council, 1549-1553. which alone could save Tudor England from anarchy. The councillors scrambled eagerly for wealth and place, and Warwick, the strongest of them, was a coarse, self-seeking soldier, who hid his ambition under a popular and magnificent manner. Without religious feeling himself, he now professed a great zeal for purifying the Church, since each fresh step of religious reformation

meant a fresh confiscation of Church property. Circumstances favoured his policy. It was a dark time for Protestantism on the Continent. Luther was dead, and Charles V., freed from his long rivalry with Francis, was resolutely bent on stamping out the Reformation in Germany. A swarm of Protestant exiles now sought refuge in England. Among them were Martin Bucer, the learned and judicious Strassburg reformer, and Peter Martyr, an Italian, who were made professors of theology at Cambridge and Oxford. Disciples of the foreign schools gradually made their way to the front, conspicuous among them being the accomplished and courteous Nicholas Ridley, Cranmer's old chaplain, who became Bishop of London on Bonner's deprivation, and was conspicuous for his zeal in breaking down Progress of the altars, and for his influence on the mind Reformation, of the archbishop. A less temperate en- 1549-1553. thusiast was John Hooper who, on being made bishop of Gloucester in 1551, refused to wear the "popish vestments" necessary for his consecration, and only yielded after a long imprisonment. Both of these were disciples of the Zwinglian school, and Cranmer himself was now drifting in their direction, having abandoned the doctrine of the Real Presence. Most of the bishops of the old school were deposed, Gardiner losing Winchester in 1551, and being, like Bonner, imprisoned for the rest of the reign. The Council strove to prevent the Lady Mary, who hated the religious changes, from continuing to have the Latin Mass celebrated before her. After a long struggle they were forced to yield before the steadfastness of Mary and the threat of the Emperor to go to war if they persisted. With all their violence, the Reformers were less sanguinary than Henry VIII. The only victims were a few upholders of extreme opinions, of whom the chief was the brave Anabaptist fanatic, Joan Bocher, burnt in 1550 for denying the Incarnation. Even Zwinglians held that such heresy as hers must be punished.

The scramble for Church property went on, and the government grew worse and worse. Bishops were forced to surrender their lands and received back a merely nominal equivalent. Statesmen appointed themselves to high ecclesiastical dignities, pocketed the revenues and neglected the duties that they were, as laymen, not qualified to perform. Bishoprics were suppressed, including several of Henry's new sees. Westminster was absorbed in London,

and Gloucester, Hooper's diocese, was again united to Worcester. The wealthy see of Durham was similarly suppressed. It was plain that little Church property would soon be left. The revenues of the universities and their colleges were threatened, and scholars almost ceased to attend them, or proper candidates to offer themselves for the ministry. There was much discontent, but few dared to give it tongue. In 1550 Hugh Latimer, who had spoken too plainly to please the Council, was ordered to preach no more before the king. In their despair people looked to the discredited Somerset as a possible deliverer from the misrule of the Council. But the king coldly upheld Warwick against his uncle, and Somerset was arrested, convicted of felony, and beheaded on 22nd January 1552, amidst the hearty sorrow of the people, who still looked on him as their friend. Warwick, now fully triumphant, was made Duke of Northumberland. He had the ear of the young king, and could carry everything as he would.

of 1552.

The forms of the earlier years of Edward's reign seemed to the disciples of the Swiss reformers, who now directed the The Prayer Book policy of the Church, to be wanting in primitive simplicity. Accordingly the Prayer Book of 1549 was recast, and superseded by the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI., enjoined by the Act of Uniformity of 1552. This compilation marked a very great advance of the Zwinglian spirit. The changes in the Communion Service bring this out plainly. The words used in distributing the Bread in 1549 had clearly suggested the Real Presence. In 1552 new words were brought in which seemed to point in the direction of the Zwinglian doctrine that the Eucharist was nothing but a memorial Supper. But even these changes did not go far enough for many. Some objected to elaborate forms of prayer at all; many complained of the obligation of the communicants to receive the Sacrament on their knees. To satisfy them a rubric, called the Black Rubric by the foes of the advanced reformers, was added explaining that nothing idolatrous was implied in the custom. But great as were the changes in spirit, the real sympathy that Cranmer still showed for the ancient forms, and his rare command of dignified and appropriate language raised the Prayer Book of 1552 above the fierce passions of the hour, and made it one of the most permanent and precious results of the reign. Substantially it is the same as the present Prayer Book of the English Church.

A new form of doctrine was now drafted in the FortyTwo Articles of 1553, largely based on the Lutheran confession of faith, and the basis of Elizabeth's ThirtyNine Articles. Even more than the Prayer Book, they show how completely the English Church had abandoned the doctrines of Henry VIII. and adopted those of the Reformers. A code of Protestant ecclesiastical law, called the Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, was also drawn up, but there was no time to have it made law.

9. Change succeeded change, until the misrule of the ruling faction produced murmurs even from the subservient Commons, who, in passing a new Treasons Northumberland's Act, insisted on adding a clause that no one plan for the should be convicted of treason except by the Succession, 1553. evidence of two witnesses at least. Nevertheless Northumberland, secure of the support both of the courtiers and the advanced reformers, seemed firmly established in power. Unluckily for him the king's health began to break up, and it was soon clear that the sickly and overwrought boy had not long to live. By Henry VIII.'s will, the Lady Mary was the next heir, and she was an uncompromising friend of the Mass. The dying king was much concerned at the light of the Gospel being put out by his death, and Northumberland easily made him the instrument of an audacious plan to change the succession. He persuaded Edward that he had the same power to determine who should be the next sovereign as Henry VIII. had exercised, though Henry had an Act of Parliament at his back, and Edward had not. He further induced the king to exclude from the succession not only Mary, but Elizabeth, who was not unfriendly to the new system. In their stead Edward bequeathed the throne to the Lady Jane Grey, the eldest child of Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, the daughter of Mary, Henry VIII.'s sister, by her second husband, Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. The innocent victim of Northumberland's ambition was a young girl of sixteen, of sweet temper, strong will, and great devotion to the reformed doctrines. She was so fond of her books that she stayed at home to read Plato, when all her family went out hunting. She was now married against her will to Northumberland's son Lord Guildford Dudley. Thus Northumberland hoped to reign through his daughter-in-law.

Edward loved Lady Jane, and gladly fell in with Northumberland's advice. There was more difficulty in forcing the scheme on the Council, but, like Northumber

land, the councillors were afraid of Mary, and were too deeply pledged to draw back. Cranmer was loath to agree, but finally yielded with characteristic weakness. On 6th July 1553 Edward died.

Queen Jane and
Queen Mary,

10. For two days the king's death was kept secret, and when further delay was impossible, Jane was proclaimed queen in London on 10th July, 10-19 July 1553. amidst a significant silence. Ridley preached in her favour to little purpose, and outside the capital no one thought of obeying her. Mary fled to the eastern counties, where the gentry of the most Protestant part of England flocked to her with every sign of enthusiasm. Northumberland hurried against her, but he had only reached Cambridge, when his troops mutinied, and he gave up the struggle. On 19th July, Suffolk told his daughter that her reign was over, and himself proclaimed Mary at the Tower gates, and the news was welcomed amid "bell ringing, blazes, and shouts of applause." The conspirators and their victims were cast into prison. On 3rd August the new queen made her solemn entry into London. The Protestant misrule was over, and the daughter of Henry VIII. had come to restore her father's house against the self-seeking duke, who had played for high stakes and lost.

Queen Mary.

CHAPTER IV.

Mary and the Romanist Reaction (1553-1558). 1. Though only thirty-seven, the new queen was prematurely aged by weak health, and soured by her miserable Character of girlhood. She was of low stature, thin, and delicate, with grave and sedate looks, and plain features, though her piercing eye commanded respect, and her deep-toned masculine voice could speak eloquently and strongly. She had good abilities, and had been well educated, knowing three languages, and delighting in music. Her kindness and charity made her beloved by her servants and intimates. Though the fierce Tudor will and temper flamed up from time to time, she had learnt by adversity to keep them under strict control. Friendless as she had been, she had ever remained true to her mother's memory, and was proud of her Spanish descent and kinship to the Emperor, no less than of her unblemished orthodoxy and