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bilem, de intelligibili mundo sic ipsum dixisse ait." Alexander, who considered Heraclitus as one who asserted that the world is generable and corruptible, says, that in the above citation he speaks of the intelligible world. This remarkable passage of Heraclitus is in the Greek τον κοσμον τούτον, ούτε τις θεων, ούτε τις ανθρωπων εποίησεν, αλλ' ην αει. In p. 58. b, Lib. 2, Comment. 3, Simplicius, explaining what Aristotle says about the fable of Atlas supporting the heavens, and which is alluded to by Homer when he says of Atlas in the Odyssey,

And the long pillars which on earth he rears

End in the starry vault, and prop the spheres, observes as follows: "Si autem fabula est divinum aliquid occultans in seipsa et sapiens, dicatur quod Atlas unus quidem est et eorum Tartareorum qui circa Bacchum sunt, qui eo quod non attendebat ipsi perfecte, hoc est non secundum solum Tartaream congregationem operabatur circa Bacchi operationem, sed declinabat aliqualiter et ad Jovialem continentiam, secundum ambos proprietatis operatur circa marimas mundi partes, discernens quidem et sursum tenens cœlum a terra, ut non confundantur superiora cum inferioribus. cum etiam columnæ simul utramque habeant virtutem, discretivamque simul et continuativam eorum quæ supra posita sunt cum inferius positis." In this passage for congregationem it is necessary to read separationem, and in the Greek for ovyxpion which corresponds to congregationem, we must substitute Saxpiov. This emendation is evidently requisite from what Simplicius adds in the latter part of this extract, viz. " that pillars possess both these powers, a power of separating, and a power of connecting things placed above with those placed below." In p. 82 a, Comment. 47, Simplicius observes that the Pythagoreans supposing the decad to be a perfect number, were willing to collect the number of the bodies moved in a circle, into the decadic number. He adds, "hence they say, that the inerratic sphere, the seven planets, this our earth, and the antichthon, complete the decad; and in this manner Aristotle understands the assertions of the Pythagoreans." He then observes: "Qui autem sincerius ista callent (γνησιέστερον αυτων μετασχοντες) ignem quidem in medio dicunt conditivam virtutem (δημιουργικήν δύναμιν) ex medio totam terram alentem, et quod infrigiditatum ipsius est recreantem (aveyεipovσav). Propter quod hi quidem Zenus turrem (Zyvos Tupyov) ipsum vocant, ut ipse in Pythagoricis narravit. Ali autem Jovis custodiam (4ios puλaxŋv) ut in his. Alii autem Jovis thronum (4105 Ogovov) ut alii aiunt. Antrum (avrpov) autem VOL. XXVI. CI. JI. NO. LII. R

terram dicebant, tanquam organum. et ipsum temporis. Dierum enim hæc et noctuum causa est. Diem enim facit versus solem pars illuminata. Noctem autem versus conum umbræ factæ ab ipsa. Antichthonam autem lunam vocabant Pythagorici, sicut et ætheriam terram, et tanquam obumbrantem solare lumen quod est proprium terræ, et tanquam terminantem cœlestia sicut terra id quod sub luna est." In that part of this remarkable passage in which it is said both in the Latin and the Greek, that the Pythagoreans called the earth a cavern, it is necessary for avτpov to read aoтpov, a star. For a little before, both Aristotle and Simplicius inform us that the Pythagoreans asserted that the earth exists as one of the stars. And this is confirmed by their calling the earth one of the instruments of time for the stars are thus denominated by Plato in the Timæus. Meursius in his Denarius Pythagoricus, p. 19. thinks we should read κεντρον for αντρον ; but he was evidently mistaken.

From this account given by Simplicius, it appears that the above mentioned decad of the Pythagoreans consists of, the inerratic sphere, the seven planets, the earth, and the fire in the centre of the earth. It is also evident from this passage, as I have elsewhere observed, that the moderns are mistaken in supposing, that by the fire in the middle, the Pythagoreans meant the sun. And in p. 87 a, Comment. 60, Simplicius observes : "Cum autem ostendisset ambo problemata, et quod in medio est terra, et quod immobilis, neque circulariter circa medium, neque super rectam mota, communem adjecit conclusionem dicens esse manifestum ex dictis, quod neque movetur, neque extra medium movetur." In the last word of this passage for movetur, it is obviously necessary to read ponitur, and in the Greek for vital, to substitute xeitai.

I shall conclude these observations, with noticing an error into which the learned Professor has fallen, through not understanding what Simplicius says of Empedocles and Eudemus the celebrated disciple of Aristotle. The error I allude to is in p. 52, where the Professor cites the following passage of Simplicius, in his commentary on the Physics. Τούτο δ' εοικεν Εμπεδοκλής αν ειπειν, οτι το κρατειν και κινειν εν μέρει την φιλίαν και το νεικος εξ ανάγκης υπαρχει τοις πραγμασιν· ει δε τουτο, και το ηρεμειν εν τω μεταξυ χρονῳ των γας εναντιων κινήσεων ηρεμία εν τω μεταξύ εστιν. Εύδημος ουν την ακινησίαν εν τη της φιλίας επικράτεια κατα την σφαίραν εκδέχεται, επειδαν απαντα συγκριθῇ

αλλ' ως φησιν,

ενθ' ουτ' ηελίοιο διειεται ωκεα γη.

όντως αρμονίης πυκινῳ κρυφῳ εστηρικται,

σφαιρος κυκλοτερης μονιη περιγηθεί αιων.

And after these other verses follow. The Professor then remarks, "Quis credat totidem esse Eudemi versus? Etsi ejus φυσικα, liber περι γωνιας, et Historia Geometrica et Astrologica exciderint, fragmenta tamen a Simplicio servata argumento sunt, illum neque metro sua scita commendasse, neque eum esse cui Amicitia, Discordia, Sphærus saperent. Quapropter nullus vereor emendare, ut sit Εμπεδοκλης ουκ την ακινησίαν pro eo quod est Εύδημος ουν, facillima nominum permutatione, si Εμπεδοκλης compendiose scribatur." The Professor's mistake originated from not perceiving that in the words αλλ' ως φησιν, Empedocles is understood; for the verses that follow these words were evidently written by that philosopher. The meaning of Simplicius therefore is, that Eudemus admits immobility in the domination of friendship in the sphere of Empedocles.

T.

AN INQUIRY

into the Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.

By R. P. KNIGHT.

PART VIII. [Continued from No. 51. p. 51.]

184. AFTER the conquests of Alexander had opened a communication with India, Minerva was frequently represented with the elephant's skin upon her head instead of the helmet;2 the elephant having been, from time immemorial, the symbol of divine wisdom among the Gentoos; whose god Gonnis or Pollear is represented by a figure of this animal half humanised; which the Macha Alla, or god of destruction of the Tartars, is

For av here, the Professor very properly substitutes yawy. Thus too, Parmenides, speaking of the one being, says,

παντοθεν ευκυκλου σφαίρης εναλίγκιον ογκώ

μέσον ισοπαλές, και μόνη περιήγει χαίρων.

2 See coins of Alexander II. king of Epirus, and some of the Ptolemies.

usually seen trampling upon. On some of the coins of the Seleucidæ, the elephant is represented with the horns of the bull; sometimes drawing the chariot of Minerva, in her character of Bellona; and at others bearing a torch, the emblem of the universal agent fire, in his proboscis, and the cornucopiæ, the result of its exertion under the direction of divine wisdom, in his tail.'

185. The ram has been already noticed as the symbol of Mercury; but at Sais in Egypt, it seems to have represented some attribute of Minerva; upon a small bust of whom, belonging to Mr. Payne Knight, it supplies the ornament for the visor of the helmet, as the sphinx does that of the crest; the whole composition showing the passive and active powers of generation and destruction, as attributes to Divine Wisdom. In another small bronze of very ancient workmanship, which has been the handle of a vase, rams are placed at the feet, and lions at the head, of an androgynous figure of Bacchus, which still more distinctly shows their meaning; and in the ancient metropolitan temple of the North, at Upsal in Sweden, the great Scandinavian goddess Isa was represented riding upon a ram, with an owl in her hand. Among the Egyptians, however, Ammon was the deity most commonly represented under this symbol; which was usually half humanised, as it appears in pl. i. vol. i. of the Select Specimens; in which form he was worshipped in the celebrated oracular temple in Libya, as well as that of Thebes; and was the father of that Bacchus who is equally represented with the ram's horns, but young and beardless.

186. Ammon, according to some accounts, corresponded with the Jupiter, and according to others, with the Pan of the Greeks; and probably he was something between both, like the Lycæan Pan, the most ancient and revered deity of the

I See those of Seleucus I. Antiochus VI. &c. 2 Τούτου του νομου μεγιστη πολις Στις - της πόλεως θεος αρχηγός εστιν, Αιγυπτιστι μεν τουνομα Νηίθ, Ἑλληνιστι δε, ως εκείνων λόγες, Αθηνα. Platon. Timæ. p. 474. Serr. 1043. Fic.

Τιμωσι Σαίται προβατον και Θηβαιται. Strabon. lib. xvii. p. 559.

3 Ol. Rudbeck. Atlant. vol. ii. p. 209. fig. B.

* Απο τουτου κριοπρόσωπον τωγαλμα του Διος ποιευσι Αιγυπτιοι απο δε Αιγυπτίων Αρμόνιοι, έοντες Αιγυπτίων τε και Αιθιοπων αποικοι, και φωνήν μεταξύ αμφοτέρων νομι CYTES. Herodot. lib. ii. c. 42.

S Αμμούν γαρ Αιγυπτιοι καλούσι τον Δια. Lib. ii. s. 42. Herodot.

6. Τον πρώτον θεον (Αμουν) τῷ παντι τον αυτον νομίζουσι, Plutarch. de Is. et Osir.

p. 354.

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Arcadians, the most ancient people of Greece. His title was employed by the Egyptians as a common form of appellation towards each other, as well as of solemn invocation to the Deity, in the same manner as we employ the title of Lord, and the French that of Seigneur; and it appears to have been occasionally compounded with other words, and applied to other deities. According to Jablonski, who explains it from the modern Coptic, it signified precisely the same as the epithet Lycæan, that is lucid, or productive of light. It may therefore have been applied with equal propriety to either Jupiter or Pan; the one being the luminous ætherial spirit considered abstractedly, and the other, as diffused through the mass of universal matter. Hence Pan is called, in the Orphic Hymns, Jupiter the mover of all things, and described as harmonising them by the music of his pipe. He is also called the pervader of the sky and of the sea, to signify the principle of order diffused through heaven and earth; and the Arcadians called him the Lord of matter," which title is expressed in the Latin name Sylvanus; SYLVA, ‘rɅFA, and TAH, being the same word written according to the different modes of pronouncing of different dialects. In a choral ode of Sophocles, he is addressed by the title of Author and di

1 Ante Jovem genitum terras habuisse feruntur
Arcades, et Luna gens prior illa fuit.

Ovid. Fast. lib. ii. v. 289.

They were of the Pelasgian race, and being in possession of a poor and mountainous country, they kept it, whilst the more fertile parts of Greece were continually changing inhabitants. Thucyd. lib. i.; Herodot. lib. i. s. 146.; Pausan. lib. viii. s. 1. Their being anterior to Jupiter and the Moon, means no more than that they were anterior to the established religion, by which the divine personifications were ascertained, and made distinct objects of worship.

- 2 Σπενδουσι και Ηρᾳ τε Αμμωνία, και Παραμμωνι. Έρμου δε επίκλησις ἐστιν ὁ Пaрaμ. Pausan. in Eliac. 1. c. xv. s. 7.

Εκαταίος ὁ Αβδηριτης φησι τούτῳ και προς αλλήλους τῷ ῥήματι χρήσθαι τους Αιγυπο τιους, όταν τινα προσκαλώνται προσκλητικήν γαρ είναι την φωνην. Plutarch. de Is. et Osir. p. 354.

Mr. Bryant says, that this was calling each other Ammonians, Pref. p. 7. Some future antiquary of this school will probably discover that the English, when they use the word Sir, mean to call each other Sirites; and thence sagaciously infer that Britain was first peopled from Siris in Italy; an inference quite as probable as most of this learned gentleman's.

3 Panth. Ægypt. lib. ii. c. ii. s. 12.

4

-ZavÇ å repaστns. Hymn. x. ver. 12.
Ζευς δε τε παντων εστι θεος, παντων τε κέραστης
Πνευμασι συρίζων, φωναισι τε αερομικτοις.

5 ΑΙΘΕΡΟΠΛΑΓΚΤΟΣ. Orph. Ηymn. v.
6 ΑΛΙΠΛΑΓΚΤΟΣ. Sophocl. Αj. 703.

7 Τον της ύλης κυρίου.

Fragin. No. xxviii. ver. 13. ed. Gesn.

Macrob. Sat. 1. c. 22.

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