tories and closing the doors of the workshops of our mechanics. Who proposes to do this? No democrat in America. All we ask is to lower the tariff so as to equalize the burdens of all classes-lessening, it is true, to some extent, the profits of the manufacturer, not the ordinary mechanic, but increasing those of the farmer, planter, and the stock-raiser.

Mr. Brown said he had hurried over these different subjects, in order that he might have something to say on the two great questions of Texas and Oregon. Day after day were wasted by his competitor in the discussion of subjects whose importance compared to these did not weigh as the dust in the balance. They were attracting the attention of all the countries of Europe. The kings of the earth were in daily consultation with all their high Minister of State in relation to them. The news from this young republic filled them with astonishment and terror. Her light was beginning to shine too brightly, her power was increasing too rapidly, and the moral influence of her march to prosperity and greatness was beginning to spread among the immense masses of the old World, until every sceptre is weakening and every throne tottering under it. At first we started with only thirteen States, and although every few years they saw some solitary additions to the number, yet they still looked upon us with unconcern and indifference. During the last winter, however, they saw two States admitted at once, Iowa and Florida, making twentyeight States of this glorious confederacy. They saw at the same time the admission of Texas, covering the whole of the important coast of the Gulf of Mexico. Instantly they took the alarm, and have resorted, and are yet resorting, to all the schemes and devices in their power to prevent its annexation. Is it not strange, my fellow-citizens, said Mr. B., that any portion of our countrymen should sympathize and unite with foreign nations in wishing to check the growth and to arrest our onward march to greatness and prosperity? There was a time when it was not so. There was a time when we were all united like a band of brothers in favor of acquiring that fine and noble country. Tennessee led off in the great work. Her heroic sons had moistened the soil of Texas with their blood, and the bones of many of them lay bleaching on her

battle fields. In 1838 her Legislature, with no division of opinion, instructed her Senators to do all in their power in order to procure her admission. In 1842, with equal unanimity through the same organ, she made known her wish for the successful accomplishment of the great object. In the mean time, her greatest and wisest citizen-he who having filled the measure of his country's glory, now rest with all the just made perfect in heaven, was directing his best efforts to rouse up President Tyler to make the attempt by negotiation and treaty. His efforts were successful-John Tyler, with the sanction of his great name, was encouraged to make the attempt. The treaty was made. It was submitted to the Senate of the United States. To a Senate that hated John Tyler-to a Senate that hated Andrew Jackson-to a Senate that hated John C. Calhoun-to a Senate that loved party more than country. It was rejected. Let me read what my competitor said were his reasons for rejecting it.

"I object," said he, " to the time and manner of getting up this treaty, and to the selfish and ambitious motives which I faithfully believe actuated the President in bringing forward and pursuing this negotiation." What, object to the time! When should it rather be done, than when it can be done? Beside, those who instructed you, determined the time. They said the right time had come now-as soon as possible. What right had you to overrule their determination? But you object to the selfish and ambitious motives of John Tyler in bringing it forward. What had his motives to do with your obedience to instructions? The deed was good-you admitted that it was good, and yet you refused to confirm it because John Tyler had done it. Had Lucifer done it—you should have confirmed it. The treaty was rejected in the spring. The Presidential canvass was opened in the summer. My competitor and all his friends threw themselves into the canvass and appeal to you to sustain Mr. Foster in his vote. What did they tell you? Do not annex Texas-if youdo, you will bring a stain of everlasting dishonor on your country. Do not annex Texas-if you do you will involve your country in a war so unjust, that Heaven itself will frown upon you and take sides with Mexico. Do not annex Texas-if you do, you

will dissolve forever this bright and glorious Union! By such fervid, but as it now seems unfounded appeals, many a good man, I might say thousands of them turned, away from Texas. Tore from their bosoms all the natural sympathies of their hearts, and resolved to leave a brave and gallant people to their bloody fate. The kings of the earth were in conspiracy against them. The tyrant of Mexico was mustering his army, and had sent out his orders in advance to kill and murder every living creature found in the country. The mother fleeing with her infant in her arms, was to be shot down, and tottering old age, unable to flee, was to receive the same savage fate. Little did our people think that they were called upon to do all this only to aid in the election of Henry Clay to the Presidency. But it was even so. My competitor now often states that when he first saw this Texas question it appeared like a dark cloud on the horizon, and that he told his friends to have nothing to do with it until they saw who was to be President. Treasure these words up in your memory, carry them home with you to your neighbors. They shed a flood of light on this whole subject-" have nothing to do with it until you see who is to be President." Well, the election was over. The flag of Texas waived in triumph over the nation-but, alas, it could have no triumph in Tennessee! By a majority of 113 it was made to trail in the dust. The flag of San Jacinto-the flag under which Houston fought and under which Crocket fell! The flag, I repeat, was made to trail in the dust; but, thank God, only by 113; and even these were obtained by pretended and cunning and heartless devices.

Do you ask me for proof that it was accomplished by such devices? My competitor himself has said so. He said so, by offering resolutions of annexation himself, so soon as Congress met. What a reflection was that on Mr. Bell, on Gov. Jones, on Mr. Henry, on Mr. Neil S. Brown, and Gen. Heiskell-on his own brother Senator setting every day by his side, unconsulted as I understand on this great movement-right in the face of all that these gentlemen had said to the people! What was it but saying that these gentlemen did not deal honestly with the people, or that they knew nothing of what would be national honor-what would be displeasing to Heaven-what

would have a tendency to dissolve the Union. What a thrust, too, at the whig press of Tennessee, which had fully sustained all these gentlemen in their arguments before the people. Gov. Jones' organ, at Lebanon, accordingly rebuked Mr. Foster severely for the movement-Mr. Bell's organ, at Nashville, rebuked him--Mr. Henry's organ, at Clarksville, rebuked him— Gen, Heiskell's, at Jackson, rebuked him, whilst the whole whig press of East Tennessee did the same thing. It was to this incident that the Enquirer, a whig paper at Memphis, must have alluded when speaking of Mr. Foster's nomination. by his party :

**

"It is, therefore, of no small moment, that our candidate should come into the field as free as possible from those incumbrances which existing prejudices will not fail to throw into his way. He should, as far as may be, have no ancient political sins to answer for-no offences against popular notions to explain away-no alleged inconsistences to reconcile, &c. The first impulse, therefore, as we have just said, was with scarcely a dissenting voice, in favor of his [Mr. Foster's] nomination. For some weeks past, however, a sober second thought has been working its way in the minds of many of our most sagacious and reflecting friends; and at the present time we believe we represent truly the ripened judgment of the Whigs in this region, when we say that it points as decisively to the selection of a younger, though not less gallant soldier in our ranks, as under all the circumstances by which we are surrounded, and in view of recent developments the most judicious selection of a leader that could be made."

Such was the tone of the Whig press, and such the condition of the great leaders of that party in Tennessee, as manifested after Mr. Foster and Mr. Milton Brown offered their resolutions of Annexation. It was a matter of the highest moment to them to wait and see what that tone and that condition would be when the news of their introduction should be received in Tennessee. They did wait. They were overwhelmed by the returning and regurgitating tide. For the first time in his life, Mr. Foster saw that the whig party of Tennessee would not go with him. He now saw that they would go with Mr. Bell and Gov. Jones and the other leaders, rather than with him. Mr. Milton Brown saw that his great rival, General Heiskell, could hold them back in spite of his teeth, and that he and Mr. Foster had no alternative left but to retreat. Retreat! retreat! was sounding in their ears. They

did retreat, and they who started so gallantly with the Democrats in achieving the noble work, first hesitated, then faltered and finally turned back and recorded their votes against her. Mr. Brown recorded his against Walker's amendment, and Mr. Foster his against both the amendment and his own original resolution. It was a sublime moment when that vote was recorded in the Senate. It was recorded at night, but when an hundred lights illuminated the Hall. The learning and the beauty of the land were there, crowded almost to suffocation, but yet so still and breathless in their attention that the fall of a pin might have started you by its echo. In the stillness and grandeur of such a scence I saw Texas standing at the door of the Senate Chamber, asking for admittance. There she stood leaning on her sword, with her garments dyed in the blood of freedom. There she stood, pleading that she might be permitted to lay down her sword by the side of Washington's and deposit her glorious banner of San Jacinto beside those under which your fathers won the battles of Brandywine, and Princton, and Yorktown, and all the glorious battles of the Revolution. But what did I behold? My own Senator, (Mr. Foster) who had himself invited her there, rushed forward, rudely slammed the door in her face, crying, begone! begone! Your sword is a trator's sword, and the blood on your garments is the blood of rebels!

O, why was not the ungracious deed left to be performed by other hands? If Mr. Foster, after inviting her there, had only stepped forward and gracefully handed her to a seat around our National altar, he would have filled Tennessee with gratitude and America with joy. But the golden moment was lost, and he who might have been the "observed of all observers," is now compelled to fix up this excuse and patch up that apology for a course so extraordinary and unexpected. He will presently tell you that he was sincerely in favor of Annexation, and cite you to the speeches which he made both on the Treaty and on his resolution. I know he spoke for Texas-spoke handsomely for her. But nobody wanted speeches-speeches were plenty as black-berries for Texas. We wanted votes for her, and these we could never screw out of Mr. Foster no way we could manage it. Speaking for Texas,