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was followed up by some popular meetings in different counties of this State, and finally ended in the conditional nomination by the Alabama Legislature, and the annunciation by the eleven members of Congress, that the Judge would be a candidate. Now, we appeal to the recollection of every one, whether in all those popular assemblies it was not well understood, that his pretensions were urged mainly on the improbability of an opposition candidate. The face of the Alabama proceedings shows that fact in that State, and we appeal to the documents published by the eleven members of Congress to show, that these very members themselves proceeded in the same idea, and themselves anticipated the probability of a mistake on that point, and declare, that in such an event they owe it to consistency and to the safety of the party with which they had always acted, not to persist in urging Judge White's pretensions. From the first moment of his being mentioned as a candidate, many of the wise and experienced members of the Republican party protested against it as hazardous and impolitic; they depicted the danger of disunion, and insisted that the fact of having started two candidates would invite an opposition candidate to the field. Such, however, were the confident predictions to the contrary in Tennessee, that Judge White was warmly taken up and pressed through many public meetings with almost undivided enthusiasm. In the meantime the opposition, with a vigilance that never slumbers, and a sagacity that never fails to improve every opportunity, lay back, concealing their own purposes, whilst the whole band of them, Nullifiers, Bankmen, Federalists and all, united in chanting the praises of Judge White, until his friends were truly astonished at his sudden upparent strength and popularity. Not looking beyond the surface and appearance of things, nor suspecting any sinister designs, Judge White, in an unlucky moment—unlucky for his own fame and unlucky for the interest and safety of the Republican party-gave his assent, and surrendered his name as a candidate for the Presidency.

The sagacious of all parties knew well how to account for this sudden inflation of popularity, whilst others, either less observant or blinded by local or personal attachments, really entertained the opinion, from the unexpected developments in

his favor, that he was highly acceptable to the Republican party, and even more so than Mr. Van Buren. Until now no party caucus or conventional designation had been concluded on in favor of Mr. Van Buren. Until now one continued and unbroken line ‘of circumstances had marked him out as the favored and intended candidate of the party. But when all this began to be questioned, and some of the party, particularly in Tennessee, began to claim for Judge White an equal, if not a greater acceptability for the party, then, and not till then, was it deemed generally to be either necessary or proper, (though some might have proposed it before,) to hold any party consultation on the subject. It was about the time to which we allude, that General Jackson thought proper to advise such a consultation. Of that advice-of the time and manner of giving it—and of the foul and crying injustice which has been attempted to be inflicted on him for having given it, we intend hereafter to speak. We advert to it now, only to give date to the historical narrative, which we are attempting to furnish. Against this party consultation, the friends of Judge White protested with perpetual and vehement outcry. An adequate motive for doing so, may be found in the fact, that in a consultation to determine which of two party candidates should be run, none but the sincere and known friends of the party would be admitted. Now, it would be easy to foresee what the fate of Judge White's pretensions would be in any consultation in which the voice of the Nullifiers, Bankmen, and Federalista was not to be heard. We venture the assertion, that exclude the enemies of this administration from having a voice in the matter, and Judge White cannot now and never could have gotten a nomination by a majority of its friends in any State of the Union-Tennessee only excepted. That he has many valuable and intelligent supporters here and elsewhere, that have always and stiil adhere to the administration, is most true, but that they constitute anything like a creditable approximation toward a majority in any State in the Union, with the exception aforesaid, is utterly denied. Ilence the evident policy of rejecting all general consultations with the party--of going into no arrangement which did not let in and receive such of his new friends as did not belong to the ranks of the administration. This policy was adopted, has been persisted in, and will never be departed from by Judge White and his friends. He and they know that, if left to the determination of the Jackson or Republican party, to determine either by State nominations or by a National Convention, which shall be run as their candidate, Judge White has not now, nor ever had, the least chance of being selected for the purpose. It is, therefore, evident that Judge White, though he may be in his own person a Republican, and we have always so esteemed him, yet we boldly aver that he is not the candidate of the Republican party, but is, on the contrary, running directly against the wishes of that party, and, of course, is relying on the aid of its enemies for his election. We have always admitted that Tennessee was to be excepted out of this view of the subject. She from the first, and most probably up to the present moment, is in favor of Judge White, and yet Tennessee is a Republican State. To Judge White she is and long has been greatly attached. To the Republican party, too, she has been devoted ever since she had an existence. The principles of that party, as advocated by Jefferson, was the glory of her youth, and the same principles as carried out and practiced by Jackson, have become the very life-blood of her existence! We speak of a State in which we have long resided, and of a people whom we have long known, when we say that, although Tennessee may linger awhile in reluctant surrender of one of her favorite citizens, yet when the final struggle shall come on, she will let go her hold upon men, and cling to her principles, with a death grasp that will make her and them one and indivisible forever! True, a few months may disclose the refutation of a now pleasing prophecy ; still we cannot give up the hope, that when Tennessee shall look out beyond her borders--when she shall cast her eyes over the combined armies of the oppositionwhen she shall see in that army the legions of Nullification, Federalism, the mercenary Hessians of the Bank, and the resuscitated forces of the American System, all in close but unnatural array against the Republican party, she will not, she cannot, draw the sword nor lift the battle-axe in such unholy combination against herself, her principles, and her honor! Those desperate leaders, who would plant the White banner beside the black cockade of Federalism, and who would mingle its emblematic folds with the single starred colors of Nullification, will then find that the people of Tennessee cannot be induced to follow that standard into such strange and abominable associations.

If it be inquired, what are those principles to which Tennessee is likely to adhere with so much unyielding tenacity, we answer that they are the principles of the Republican party. Those principles which have given it its distinctive character for nearly forty years, through a succession of administrations from 1801, unbroken, save only in that of the younger Adams, for that whole period; principles which the wisest and best of our statesmen have ever deemed of the highest importance to the welfare and prosperity of the country. To enumerate them here, would imply too great a want of information on the part of those whom we address, and to attempt to vindicate their correctness, would seem like superadding to the labors of Madison and Jefferson, and a long list of other patriots, whose names are embalmed in the most cherished remembrance of their countrymen. Granting, however, the importance and correctness of these principles, it is sometimes asked, how are they endangered in the present election ? We answer, by the division of the party which always sustained them. Since the great civil revolution of 1801, that party has never been beaten but once, and that was effected only by division. In 1824, the Republican party presented three competing candidates for the Presidency, in the persons of Mr. Crawford, Mr. Clay, and General Jackson, whilst the Federal party presented but one, in the person of Mr. Adams. True, Mr. Adams was regarded at the time, by many, as a Republican, also, but the entire unanimity with which the whole Federal party was supporting him, soon dissipated all ideas of that kind, and the subsequent events of his administration clearly showed, that he was emphatically the candidate of the Federal party. No concert of action- -no harmony of feeling-no adjustment of pretensions took place between the three Republican candidates, and the consequence was, that the Federal one was elected. The Republicans felt the shock from one end of the continent to the other. Virginia deplored that momentary infatuation, that

made her cling to her Southern favorite, long after she had despaired of his success. Other States deeply lamented the same error, and instantly resolved that, as division had lost the sceptre, so harmony and concert of action should regain it. Accordingly, in the next election, the Republican party concentrated its whole strength upon General Jackson, and drove the flying and broken columns of Federalism before it in every direction. Now, when Mr. Van Buren and Judge White were first proclaimed as candidates, both claiming to be Republicans, was there no propriety in warning the party not to be divided? Was there nothing in the experience of the past which might induce the wise and prudent to advise a consultation amongst friends, in order to bring about an adjustment of their pretensions ? The ranks of the Federal party, always strong in talents of the highest order, had lately been reinforced by the Nullifiers, whose leader possessed more lofty gerius and consummate tact than any other man probably in America, and whose subalterns, taking them rank and file, constituted the very flower and chivalry of southern talent. Add to these the acquisition of Mr. Clay, the first orator of the age, with a strong influence of western friends, who had long paid homage to his eloquence, and you present the Federal party, at the close of the Panic session, formidable in numbers, powerful in talent, and, through the United States Bank, inexhaustible in resources.

In the face of an enemy so huge and vast, what lover of his country can lay his hand on his heart and conscientiously blame General Jackson for warning his countrymen against the danger of disunion in the Republican party ? He was the head of that party—he was its representative, and, like a faithful sentinel, gave the alarm! For this, he has been denounced by a vile herd of editors as a Dictator and Tyrant, and by his own representative in Congress as an Elective Monarch!

Let us now inquire whether all these apprehensions of danger from division have not been confirmed by subsequent events. We affirm, that the number, the position of the candidates, and the avowed and open and frequent declarations of their friends, place the Republican party, even now, in imminent hazard and danger. Should Judge White succeed in carrying

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