cation long before Judge White was interested in the subject. Another, and the last charge we shall notice, is that which relates to the conduct of the President during his late visit to Tennessee. During that visit he has been abused and misrepresented in the most wanton and shameful manner. He declared that private business of importance had brought him home to Tennessee-to that home which in his absence had been consumed by the devouring flames-to that home, where laid interred his once loved and much calumniated companion-to that home, where his own grave had been opened, with strict injunction that no matter in what land he might breathe his last, that here, beneath the sod of Tennessee, so often protected by his valor, and identified with him in so many of the illustrious and glorious achievements of his life, his mortal remains should be deposited. But to such a home, so endeared, and to such a State, so honored, he is not permitted to come without his motives and purposes being slandered and misrepresented! We cannot take time to enumerate all that has been said. Suffice it to say, that it is charged upon him, in passing through some of the congressional districts, he spoke unfavorably of their representatives in Congress. We have no doubt that he did, and have as little doubt that he ought to have done so. Shall members of Congress, on the floor of debate, or amongst their constituents denounce Andrew Jackson as a tyrant and dictator-as an elective monarch and a conspirator against public liberty, and then complain that Andrew Jackson has the spirit and the nerve to fling back the tide of reproach upon themselves? No man at all acquainted with his character ever expected the contrary. But it is said that on certain occasions he has denounced Judge White! And has not Judge White as often denounced Gen. Jackson? If the latter ever said of the former, that he was leagued with the Federalists, has not Judge White insinuated that Jackson was a wolf in sheep's clothing and a conspirator against the liberty of the people? We do not pretend to adjust the account nor strike the balance on the score of hard words, between these distinguished individuals, for we have not the information enabling us to be precise as to what they have said, or which resorted first to the use of opprobrious epithets. But we assure you, fellow-citizens, from what we have heard and from what we know of the equally irascible temper of both, that honors are very likely to be easy on that score. We submit no apology to the community, for this frequency of reference to Gen. Jackson--to his principles and measures, and to the gross and frequent injustice that has been done to him by the various factions now composing the opposition to his administration. The last victory of Democracy was achieved in his person, and the Republican party stood united and concentrated on him when Judge White, Gen. Harrison, and Mr. Webster took the field as Presidential candidates. No one of them, nor all combined, have any chance of success, but by effecting divisions and schisms in our ranks. This can never be done so effectually as by destroying the great and deserved popularity of Gen. Jackson with the Republican party. That being accomplished, his measures and principles of policy fall with him, and with their overthrow, Mr. Van Buren's must follow of course. Hence it is, that in every attack the opposition have closely identified Gen. Jackson with Mr. Van Buren, and thus rendered the defence of the one essentially the vindication of the other. We now wish to bring this address to a close. In making this appeal, we have nothing to accomplish but what we sincerely believe is equally desired by a vast number of the friends of Judge White, tow it: the preservation of the sound principles of our government. We are solemnly convinced, that such preservation requires us forthwith to give up the support of Judge White, and to unite with our Republican brethren of other States in the support of Mr. Van Buren, and thereby enable the people to make choice of the next President, instead of the House of Representatives. In this, we know a large portion of our fellow-citizens may differ from us in opinion. We, therefore, earnestly desire your attention to another view of the Presidential subject, which we believe you ought to take. If you are determined to cast the vote of Tennessee to Judge White, and to risk the consequences which we have attempted to portray, what course do you intend to take when, after all your exertions, he may have to be surrendered? If no election is made by the people, and the candidates shall go before the House, and if Judge White (being one of them) shall be unable to succeed, who, then, shall be supported by the members of Congress from this State? A majority of them, it is known, will vote for Judge White; but, he being dropped, who will they support afterward? You have made known to them your wishes as to Judge White, but as yet you have told them nothing of your second choice. We think we hazard nothing, when we say, that it is now as certain that Mr. Van Buren is the second choice of Tennessee, as it has ever been that Judge White was her first choice; and yet we have the most awful forebodings that, in the contest between Mr. Van Buren and Gen. Harrison, or Mr. Webster, that a majority of our present members of Congress would vote for either of the two latter against Mr. Van Buren. We, therefore, most earnestly appeal to the friends of Judge White, to make known their wishes on this point to our Representatives in Congress Convene in the same manner, and make known to them your second in the same manner as you did your first choice. We implore you not to slight nor neglect our admonitions on this point. We do believe that, in all probability, the next election is destined to be decided by the House. When it shall have gone there, after a few ballotings, it will be found necessary to drop Judge White; and, when that is done, we do greatly fear that the vote of Tennessee may be made to turn the scale in favor of one or the other of the Federal candidates. The moment that is done, what must be the remorse of Tennessee for having given up her power and her rights to a few members of Congress, to barter away her principles, and plunge her into associations which, in her heart, she detests and abhors. To avoid such evils, our first advice is, not to let this election go to the House at all-not to place the destiny of a great and brave people into the hands of your members of Congress-to keep that destiny, under the providence of God, in your own hands, by electing that one of the Republican candidates who can, in the first instance, with your assistance, be elected by the people. This is the voice of reason and safety, echoed back by the soundest Republican maxims. But, if you will not do this, our second advice is, that you make known to your Representatives that, however warmly they sustain Judge White, both in and out of the House, yet when the hour shall come that their attachment can no longer be serviceable to him, that they must instantly fly to the support of the other Republican candidate, and in no event vote for a Federal one. By pursuing such a course, if you do not gain the credit of following the dictates of the highest wisdom, you at least avoid the perpetration of the greatest folly and mischief to your country. We intend to commit no trespass on your patience, in pronouncing an eulogium on Martin Van Buren. Our opinions of him have been frequently stated throughout this address on the great questions now involved in the politics of this country. His private life is above reproach, and his public career is written on the proudest pages of our Republican history. He received the vote of Hugh Lawson White as Secretary of State, as Minister to England, and as Vice President of this great Republic. Slander has often assailed, but truth and honor have ever sustained him in the most trying conflicts through which his devotion to the Democracy of the country ever required him to pass. Throughout this whole contest, bitter and severe as it has been, he has borne himself with a dignity and equanimity of temper, which must ever command the admiration of the intelligent and liberal of all parties. Pulaski Committee. A. V. BROWN, A. FLOURNOY, THOS. P. ADAMS, LEWIS PARKER, ROBERT A. HEWITT, Elkton Committee. LETTER OF AARON V. BROWN, To his Constituents of the Tenth Congressional District of the State of Tennessee, September, 1842. GENTLEMEN: Never, in the course of many years of public life, have I so much desired to return to the bosom of a generous and noble-hearted constituency, to see you face to face, and to commune freely with you on the present state of our public affairs. But I find that I can have no such high gratification. Those who now rule the destinies of this country, seem to have resolved that the sovereign remedy for existing evils is perpetual legislation-so nearly perpetual, that they do not leave, between one session and another, sufficient time to the Representative (if he attend at all to his private concerns) to return to his district, and inhale fresh inspirations of wisdom and virtue from his constituency. The perplexing question is often asked, what the people of this country have gained by the Whig triumphs of 1840? Whatever of difficulty the dominant party may find in answering this question, one thing is certain, that they have kept Congress so long in session, that every one of them who are members of it, have been able to draw from the public treasury at the rate of eight dollars per day for every day since the 4th of March, 1841. This certainly is something to them, whatever it may be to the people. Never, in the annals of any country, so far as legislation was concerned, did a party have so full and so fair a chance to accomplish some great and striking advancement of the public |