sion to the power of France, and England | ders now existing in several parts, and the be exposed to the issue of a contest, on discontents universally prevailing throughEnglish ground, not for acquisition or out the whole of the sister kingdom; that dominion, but probably for existence: we feel that affliction increased, in a We should fail in the duty we have un- very great degree, when we reflect that dertaken, if we did not, at the same time, though every member of this House, in express to your majesty our absolute con- his individual capacity, is but too well viction, that no change of system in Ireland acquainted with the alarming condition of would be effectual to its purpose, without that country, yet his majesty's ministers removal of those persons, whose coun- have not thought proper to advise his sels have produced the present calamities, majesty hitherto to make any communica and who cannot in reason be considered tion on the subject to this House, the as capable of correcting their own errors, great hereditary council of the crown: or of attempting it with sincerity; and That, in this state of extraordinary and whose past conduct, both in practice and unprecedented ignorance, this House finds. profession, renders it impossible for them, it necessary to resort to its indisputable even were they to act on a sincere convic- right of approaching his majesty's throne, tion of past error, to raise an expectation with an humble but earnest prayer, that in Ireland of such a government on tem- his majesty will deign to direct the proper perate principles as might dispose the officer to lay before the House a full and people to submit to the regular and ample statement of the facts and circumindispensable restraints of justice admi- stances which have led to this disastrous nistered according to law, or even to ac- state of affairs, and of the measures which cept of concessions without distrust, or of have hitherto been pursued for the purbenefits with gratitude: nothing, in our pose of averting such momentous evils : opinion, but a total change of men, as That this House, as soon as it shall have well as measures, can prevent the other- obtained such necessary information, will, wise certain alienation, and, more than without delay, as it is in duty bound, as possible, separation, of that country from well as by inclination willing, employ Great Britain." every exertion of assiduity, and all resources of its best wisdom, towards the discovery of the true causes of these disorders, their nature and extent, by a dili gent examination into, and a prudent and deliberate consideration of, the measures adopted by the government, as well as of the situation of the country to which such measures were applied, so far as this House may proceed consistently with the acknowledged relation between the two kingdoms; That however great and alarm. ing the disorders and discontents now prevailing in our sister kingdom notoriously are, however imminent the dangers which at this awful period threaten its future happiness, we will not despair, but that the result of such inquiry and discussion will enable us to assist his majesty, according to our constitutional duty, with some well-adapted remedy of such efficacious but healing counsel as may tend to restore in that distracted part of the British empire, confidence in the justice of the laws, by a due and impartial adminis tration of them; obedience to the autho rity of his majesty's government, by a temperate use of its powers; satisfaction, happiness, and union amongst all the descriptions of subjects in that kingdomin which benevolent attempts we are well[5 C]

The motion was negatived without a division.

The Duke of Leinster's Motion on the State of Ireland.] June 15. Lord Sydney moved, that the House should be cleared of strangers. He observed, that as none but members would be present at the expected discussion, if any paper presumed to publish any pretended account of their proceedings, he hoped their lord, ships would punish it with the utmost rigour. All strangers were then excluded, members of the House of Commons not excepted. The Duke of Leinster then moved, after a speech, in which, in alluding stoc the date occurrences in Ireland, his feelings were greatly affected, .. os (6Thatan humble Address to his majesty, be presented, to assure his majesty, that this House will at all times be ready to maintain, by sall just means in their power, the honour, independence, and unity of the British empire; that considering his majesty's kingdom of Ireland as an inte graly part of that empire; and the con nexion of that kingdom with Great Britain asa essential to the general safety and local prosperity of both, we are most unfeignedly afflicted at beholding the disor[VOL. XXXIII.]

J

assured that this House will only second | constant communication of the dis
the paternal wishes of our gracious sove
reign."

Lovell and Hol-(Signed)

the utmost importance, for the protection of his majesty's loyal subjects in Ireland, for the speedy and effectual suppression of the present rebellion, and for the general defence of the British empire, that his "His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint majesty should avail himself of the volunthe House of Commons, that the officers, tary offers of service which have been non-commissioned officers, and privates, of made by several regiments of Militia, we different regiments of the militia of this will immediately enter into the considerakingdom, have made to his majesty a vo- tion of such provisions as may be necesluntary tender of their services, to be em. | sary for enabling his majesty, for a time, ployed in aid of the regular and militia and to an extent, to be limited, to accept forces in Ireland, for the suppression of of the services of such Militia regiments the Rebellion now unhappily existing in as may wish to be employed at this imthat country. portant conjuncture."

as an alien. It never was so with the
Irish. It is therefore exceedingly difficult
to point out the precise distinction which
subsists between the two countries. The
legislature of Ireland is distinct from that
of this country, and their executive go-
vernment is separated in the same man-
ner; yet it was lately admitted that the
Irish government was examinable and
controllable by the British parliament.
Indeed, the lord lieutenant of Ireland
being appointed by letters patent from the
king of Great Britain, it naturally follows
that he receives instructions from the ca
binet here. On the other hand, there
may be cases in which a British parlia
ment cannot interfere. In the present
instance, we know nothing of the causes
of the rebellion. I shall oppose the mo
tion for the address, from a conviction
that the measure proposed to be carried
into effect is unconstitutional, unjust, and
impolitic.

the minority, it is not less unjust: for a
particular contract has been entered into,
by which it is agreed that no individual
shall be required to go out of the country.
But, it will, perhaps, be said, that all the
men consent: still, in that case, I say the
measure is unjust, because it is impossible
that the consent can be free: it will be in-
fluenced by a variety of motives which
are in fact compulsory. It is upon this
principle that courts of equity relieve
men from contracts; the engagement
is not held valid when it appears to have
been made without due discernment.
The measure is also impolitic. To call
upon soldiers to consent to go to Ireland,
is to make every regiment a deliberative
assembly. If this be encouraged, the
troops may, perhaps, carry their delibera
tions somewhat farther. Why may they
not choose to deliberate, and elect their
own officers? We ought not to come to
a decision upon any subject connected
with Ireland without the greatest caution. Mr. M. A. Taylor wished that as great
If the army now in Ireland be not able to a force as possible might be sent to Ire-
restore tranquillity, it is not the rebellion land, provided it did not infringe on the
of a few they have to contend with. The constitution; but he had always under-
great mass of the people must be in insur-stood that the militia could not be sent out
rection against the executive government. of England. Many persons might offer
How does it happen, then, that the go- their services on this occasion; but if go-
vernment is so unpopular? I am afraid it vernment accepted the offers of one mili-
will be found that the discontents of the tia regiment, it was compulsory on all the
people are occasioned by the misconduct rest; for the fear of an imputation of
of their rulers. In 1795, the executive cowardice was alone sufficient to induce
government of Ireland was acceptable to them to offer their services. For his own
the people, and the change which was part, if he were a militia officer, he would
then made, now appears to have been not go out of the kingdom. He should
productive of the very worst of conse- consider it an act of greater bravery to
quences. Lord Fitzwilliam was removed remain where the constitution had placed
from the government of Ireland, without him. If troops were wanted in Ireland,
any reason whatever being assigned. If were there not other forces that might be
his lordship exceeded his instructions, sent thither instead of the militia?
why was he not punished? But there is
every reason to induce us to think that no
blame could be attached to that noble lord,
since his majesty has lately honoured him
by appointments to several public offices
of importance and trust. Why, then,
did ministers remove lord Fitzwilliam? I
can see no answer to this question, but
that they were determined to avoid all
opportunities of conciliation with Ireland.
It is very difficult to mark the precise dis-
tinction between the two countries. Ire-accompany it.
land is not in the same situation with re-
spect to Great Britain, that Scotland was
with respect to England, after the acces-
sion of James 1st to the throne of this
country. At that time, if a Scotsman
sued for his property, he was considered

Sir L. Palk considered the measure as not only hostile to the constitution, but tending to lessen the respectability of the militia service; for he was sure that gentlemen of rank and property would have an objection to accept commissions in the militia, if they were liable to be sent out of the kingdom. Though, as a member of parliament, he should oppose this mea sure, yet if the services of his regiment should be accepted, he would certainly

Mr. Pierrepont said, that the object of the message, if carried into effect, would be a flagrant violation of the constitution. He hoped that parliament would never consent to it. He had written to his regiment, to express his disapproba

st

tion of the measure, and he hoped they would not concur in it; but if their sentiments should be different from his own, in that case they should not go a day's march without him.

man's loyalty is to be estimated by the desire he testifies to embrue his hands in his brother's blood. I too well remember the American war, ever to vote one shilling, or one man, for subjugating Ireland, until conciliatory measures shall have been tried.

Mr. Ryder said, that the rebellion must be suppressed, no man would deny; nor would any man contend that such a force Mr. Bankes was against the measure, ought not to be applied for that purpose but highly disapproved of the language as would prevent it from making head of the noble lord; for there never was again. Was the government of this coun- a rebellion more unprovoked than that try to see men massacred without endea- which now existed in Ireland, inasmuch vouring to prevent it? Were they to as measures more conciliatory had never expose the troops to the fury of the re- been adopted in any country. Could any bels, in places where, on account of the man say, that men with arms in their smallness of their numbers, they were hands were not to be opposed? Feeling unable to act successfully against them? as he did, that, if Ireland was to succeed What remained for government to do but in the rebellion, and be leagued with to send over those forces who made a vo- France, this country could not be safe, luntary tender of their services? and what he must approve of all the measures that other force was there in the kingdom so had been adopted for the suppression of capable of performing this service as the the rebellion. But the sending away the militia? As to the constitutional objec-militia would be an infraction of the estation; was it unconstitutional for his ma-blishment of that body. He thought some jesty to accept, in a case of the most extraordinary danger, the voluntary offers of troops that had been raised for the defence of the country? If, as had been stated, men of rank and fortune refused to embark in this service, he saw very little hopes of this country being saved.

Lord W. Russell said:-If ministers are determined to persevere in this unconstitutional measure, the best line of conduct they could adopt would be, to bring in a bill for abolishing the militia laws entirely. When the Militia bill was first framed, the services of each regiment were confined to the very county in which it was raised. This arose from that just jealousy which our ancestors entertained of standing armies: they were desirous that the soldier and the citizen should always be inseparably united in the same person. Why are the militia to be sent out of the country, contrary to law?for the purpose of subjugating a neighbouring kingdom, in order to force a system upon the people which nine-tenths of them abhor. It is said, that the militia are not compelled to go to Ireland; but I contend that there will be the same kind of compulsion with regard to their offers for that service as there was in the case of the voluntary contributions, when a box was carried about, and every man was stigmatized as a traitor who refused to subscribe. The present measure perfectly resembles, as to compulsion, those contributions, with this difference, that a

middle line must be adopted. Some men might be taken out of each militia regiment, who, after being so drafted, would not then be a militia, but a part of the standing army; but he strongly objected to sending forces to Ireland as militia regiments; and concluded with moving, as an amendment, that that latter part of the address, which gave the consent of the House to the militia being sent to Ireland, be left out.

Mr. Windham (secretary at war) felt more surprised at the conclusion of his hon. friend who spoke last, than at that of other hon. gentlemen. Some of them had spoken out; and their explanation was to him perfectly satisfactory, as a proof of their motives to the opposition they had avowed to the measure. One hon. gentleman had obscurely developed those principles on which the sending an additional force to Ireland was opposed; and the noble lord who had spoken last but one, had proved an ample commentator on what that hon. member had only partly disclosed. In fact, the noble lord had done what, in vulgar language was called "letting the cat out of the bag:" and the House could not but see that from the language used by the noble lord, he did not wish to suppress the rebellion in Ireland. The noble lord had said, that he would not vote one shilling, or one man, to assist the government of Ireland in subjugating the people of Ireland. Was not this the expression of a wish that the