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been either misconceived by the government of France, or ill explained by them to the people of that country: that we therefore humbly beseech his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased, without delay, to adopt such measures as may appear to him, in his royal wisdom, most efficacious for removing every misconception which may have been entertained by the Directory of France, by the French nation, and by all Europe, relative to the sincerity of the intentions, by which the government of this country was actuated in making overtures of peace to the Directory of France."

Mr. Pitt said :-When I consider the motion of the hon. gentleman, and advert to the arguments which he has adduced in support of it, it will only be necessary for me to trouble the House with a few words to show that no practical benefit can arise from adopting it. The hon. gentleman began with lamenting the evils attendant on war; but until he shall have found a remedy for those evils by new modelling human nature, or have suggested some practicable system by which wars may in future be totally excluded, I am apprehensive the distresses and calamities of war will continue to exist. If the war had been undertaken or conducted upon principles of aggrandizement, or motives of ambition. The hon. gentleman might have dwelt upon the miseries which it has inflicted with more propriety; but as no war, in a civilized nation can, be under

the duke of Wirtemberg and Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse, and, lastly, with the king of Prussia, in his capacity of elector of Brandenberg. 3. The complete evacuation of Italy, including Savoy and Nice. 4th, A reservation in favour of Russia, by which that court may interfere at its pleasure as a contracting party for the peace. 5th, The same to Portugal, and by which likewise France is to be precluded from demanding a sum of money as the price of peace from that court. 6th, Great Britain contests the validity of the cession by Spain to the Republic of the Spanish part of St. Domingo, as contrary to the peace of Utrecht. 7th, The restitution of the property of the emigrants forfeited or sold is obscurely, they say, and indirectly demanded, though in language and terms so ingeniously ambiguous as to leave matter of endless discussion.

What is the second memorial?-For Holland, the British ministry demands a complete restoration of its ancient form of government, the demolition or annihilation of all the treaties between France and the Batavian Re

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taken, I trust, before the causes and the consequences of it be well considered, such arguments tend to no practical be nefit. Every evil of war is, or ought to be, viewed on the comparison of alter natives; and the wisest mode of prevent ing the accumulation of them, is to enter into an impartial investigation of their causes, and to inquire whether the imme diate evil was smaller than the more re mote. Without such a comparison a fruitless lamentation over the misfortunes incidental to a situation of difficulty, is calculated to counteract the exertions of any country, however justifiable or necessary those exertions may be. The hon. gentleman next came to the discussion of the change in the situation of this coun try, since the return of lord Malmesbury from Paris, after the rejection of the overtures for peace. And here, Sir, I must tell the hon. gentleman, that whatever might be his anxiety for peace during the negotiation of that noble lord, my anxiety was not less ardent than his. The hon. gentleman says, he has reason to suppose, that, suffering as the French people must do under the inevitable horrors of war, they must earnestly desire peace, and on that ground, he assumes, that a paragraph which appeared so long ago as the 24th of Deceniber in a French paper tending to shake off from the Directory the odium of the breach of the late negotiation for peace, and to throw it on this country, must have been an official manifesto, and

public; lastly, the restoration of the statholder to all his dignities, offices, and possessions. And what does England offer as the price of so many concessions, restitutions, and humiliations, on the part of France? The restoration to Holland of all her colonies? The indemnity to the Dutch for the past?—No! She offers only a partial restitution of the Dutch colonies, reserving to herself the Cape of Good Hope and Ceylon. Finally, that if France will not consent to annul her treaties made with the Batavian Republic, she is in that case to make over or cede to the Emperor all Holland has ceded to France in the late treaty between the two countries. The Directory then asks. Is this a fair treaty?-Does it not demand from France the entire restitution of all that France has conquered during the war, without restoring all that England has acquired? Does it not stipulate by induction, and by infallible, though indirect and ambiguous means, the return of the emigrants. the restitution of their estates, the destruction ofour constitution of 1795, and ensure a counter revolution?"

he farthermore thinks, that something ought immediately to be attempted to do away any impression which the statements in that paper may have on the people of France. Now, Sir, let us examine upon what principle this House is invited to adopt a mode of proceeding so extraordinary. It is invited, not upon any given authority that the statements are actually true, or that they are actually official; not upon any clear and explicit measure proposed, whence only any real advantage can be derived; not upon any solid declaration that specific terms of negotiation on the part of the enemy either have been or will be offered; but it is invited upon a deduction of probable or conceivable facts, and from an uncertain inference of probable or conceivable facts, it seems it may be desirous to address his majesty to adopt such measures as may tend to refute those arguments if they have been mistaken, or to rectify them if they have been misrepresented. It is impossible for any one not to perceive that the hon. gentleman, by quoting from the paper he has referred to, has been misrepresenting the whole proceedings of the late negotiation; for, by passing over some circumstances, and perverting others, he has inferred, that the Directory were conscious, if they published that declaration, considering it, as the hon. gentleman had considered it, to be the true state of the case, that the ministers of this country could not afterwards appeal to the judgment of their countrymen. That the Directory had misrepresented the intentions of this country was evident; and, after treating the overtures as they did, it would surely be asingular ground for parliament to ground any parliamentary proceeding upon, and thereby expose the nation to additional insult. But, above all, it would be singular by a manifesto to refute a declaration which it had no authority to prove official. If any means can be found for restoring tranquillity upon a safe and honourable basis, I trust I am not only sensible of my duty, but impressed with an earnest idea of carrying that sense of duty into execution. If, then, upon minute investigation, it shall appear, that no practicable measure for obtaining a speedy and honourable peace has been omitted; I trust the House will agree with me, that, if the hon. gentleman be neither prepared by his argument nor his specific motion to do what government is prepared to do, [VOL. XXXIII.]

the one would be superfluous and the other dangerous. I cannot point out the precise effects of any endeavour on the part of this country towards the attainment of peace; but this I think I may be permitted to state; that the prospect of a speedy and honourable peace depends upon a conduct on the part of this House, directly the reverse of that encouragement which would be given to the enemy by the motion of the hon. gentleman. It should never be forgotten, that peace without security is worse than war, and that if the energies of the national character be once lost, to make overtures for ne gotiation will only be to court renewed indignity, and to lay the foundation for additional insult. I cannot enter into detail, I have, however, no hesitation in de claring, that the disposition of his majes ty's ministers goes beyond the purpose of the motion, and that in consequence of the dispatches which have been received from the court of Vienna, that the enemy had made distinct overtures for a separate peace with his imperial majesty, which he, conformably to his uniform character for good faith, rejected, upon the ground, that he would not enter into any negotia tion in which Great Britain was not included, steps have been taken to render this opportunity available for the purpose of renewing a joint negotiation. In consequence of this resolution having been formed, his majesty has determined to send a confidential person to Vienna, with instructions to conduct farther negotiations in concert with his allies. Farther than this I cannot go. But after what I have said, I think the hon. gentleman will be disposed to withdraw his motion, rather than to persevere in a measure, which would tend to defeat the end which it purposes.

Colonel Porter distrusted the sincerity of ministers in any negotiation they might undertake, and considered the present as a mere bugbear to delude the public. The motion could do no harm, and therefore it should have his support.

Mr. J. H. Addington said, he had flattered himself that, after what had passed, the hon. gentleman would have withdrawn his motion; but as that was not the case, he should trouble the House with a few observations. The hon. gentleman had grounded his motion upon the statements which appeared in a French paper. With respect to the two grounds contained in that paper, viz. our being the cause of the [2 D]

had been the case, who was there among the minister's friends that would have ven tured to defend him? If it had termi

war, and the insincerity of the British go-
vernment in its proposals for peace, he
begged to say a few words. In 1792, this
country enjoyed a state of prosperity al-nated in a peace, the consequences would
most unparalleled. Under those circum-
stances, no man was more interested in
the preservation of peace than the chan-
cellor of the exchequer, because the in-
terruption of peace must tend to frustrate
those financial arrangements, in which he
was so successfully employed. The un-
willingness of ministers to interfere in the
contest, was incontrovertibly manifested
in the May of that year, by their making
a very material reduction in the naval and
military establishments. But there were
some important events that year, which
must have made a strong impression upon
the government. The defeats of the
Prussian army, and the events of the 10th
of August, were not sufficient to induce
ministers to alter their system; but after
the battle of Jemappe, when the empire
was threatened, and after the famous de-
cree relative to the Scheldt, they could no
longer consider themselves as indifferent
spectators, but began to prepare for what
might happen. The French convention,
placing great confidence in the declara-
tions of the Jacobin societies in this coun-
try (and, in his opinion, every man who
signed them acted traitorously to his coun-
try), declared war against us. This war
had now continued for four years; and he
would do the gentlemen opposite the jus-
tice to say, that if they were really of opi-
nion, that the government of this country
could have avoided the war, or had re-
jected any fair opportunities of procuring
peace, they were consistent in their con-
duct; for they regularly every session
brought forward motions expressive of
those sentiments. It had been stated, and
with triumph, that we were now forced to
adopt that very conduct which we for-
merly rejected; but was there no differ-
ence between the present government of
France, and those which existed when
many of these motions were made? Was
France now what France was then? At
the period when the right hon. gentleman
(Mr. Fox) brought forward one of his
motions for peace, the faction of Robes-
pierre prevailed: within six weeks after
the motion was negatived, that faction
ceased to exist. Suppose, for a moment,
the House had adopted the motion, and
that ministers had succeeded in a nego-
tiation, the result must either have proved
favourable or unfavourable. If the latter

have been still worse; for the succeeding
faction had repealed every one act of his
reign. What, then, would have been the
situation of this country, if, in the confi
dence of peace, we had repealed the alien
bill? We should have exchanged a fo
reign contest for a civil war; and we
should again have been forced into a war
with France. The decision of the House,
therefore, in rejecting that motion, was
founded in wisdom and policy. Another
hon. gentleman had brought forward a
motion for peace, at a period at no great
distance from the former. It was brought
forward soon after the convention had de-
clared, that they would make peace with
those powers who were not aggressors in
the war; that they would make peace
with Holland, but not with England. It
was then that they avowed that horrid
principle-that treaties might, and some-
times ought, to be violated. This was
first broached by M. Brissot. This was
the period chosen for the second motion.
for peace. Peace was seldom made be-
tween two belligerent powers, except un-
der one or other of the following circum.
stances: either when both parties were
tired out by the war, and sought an op-
portunity of making their pacific senti-
ments known to each other; or where one
party was so completely beaten, as to be
obliged to sue for peace. He trusted we
were not in the latter situation: our re-
sources were not so exhausted that we
must beg for peace. He desired to know
by what act of the convention, or any of
the governing powers of France, a dispo
sition for peace had been shown, from
Barrère, Robespierre, Tallien, or the Di
rectory? During what was called the
moderate period, after the destruction o
Robespierre, many persons entertaine
strong hopes that they would manifest
desire for peace. He never entertaine
such an opinion, and was not disappointed
for the same system of resentment wa
displayed against this country.-Whe
the separate peace was made with Prussi
the reporter stated to the convention, the
they had made a separate peace in ob
dience to their orders. If any farth
proofs were necessary, look to their co
duct in the last campaign, when it w
evidently their object to compel the E
peror to a separate peace, and with t

same view was their last offer to that mo-couraged the people as to take away the narch. These offers were rejected with a spirit which we had hitherto manifested, spirit that did the highest honour to the then indeed it was time to beg pardon of royal faith and magnanimity of our ally- the French, and to throw ourselves on of that ally whom we had been called upon their mercy. But he was sure there was to desert. As long as there was no regu- no such despondency in the country. lar government in France-no government Some little gloom there might be, but it that could have afforded us any security had not pervaded all ranks of men. Much for a peace-ministers acted right in not had been said of the calamities of war, attempting a negotiation. But the first and of the comforts attending a state of moment that a government was established, peace. Nobody but a madman could hethat appeared capable of maintaining the sitate between the two, if left to his free accustomed relations of peace and amity, choice; but if compelled into the war, his majesty declared from the throne, that then all this was mere declamation, tenda favourable change had taken place, ing only to unnerve the arm of the counwhich might lead to a negotiation. This try. The House of Commons were was followed by a message from the throne, anxious for peace, and so were the minis declaring that the principal bar to nego- ters. He only hoped they would not retiation was now done away. It was un- tard it by their anxiety to obtain it.-It necessary to recall to the recollection of had been asked, what we had gained the House the proposal of Mr. Wickham by this war? Those who asked that quesat Basle, or the negotiation of lord tion should recollect, that this was a deMalmesbury; of which last he should only fensive war, and, therefore, that was not observe, that the French had never a proper question. But we had retained thought proper to contradict the state- our character; we had achieved great ment given by that noble lord. If, under conquests; we had made a fortunate disthe present circumstances, we were to covery of easy and successful means of make any application, the enemy might preserving internal tranquillity; and we suppose we were driven to it from the re- had found out a good mode of manning cent circumstances relative to the Bank. the navy. We had nearly destroyed the It had been said, that the members of marine of France, and had given a severe that House had lost the confidence of blow to that of Spain; and in all our other their constituents. How did that appear? naval transactions, the glory of our flag What was the cause of it? Was it from had been carried to a higher pitch than doing too much or too little with respect ever it had been before. We had, in a to the internal defence of the country? great degree, quashed those dangerous for ministers had been accused of both. principles which were abroad, and secured Was it for the satisfaction they expressed, our honour, our liberty, and, he trusted, when the negotiation opened to them the our constitution. These were some of prospect of a peace? Or was it at the the advantages we had gained by the war; concern they manifested when those ne- and on these grounds he should vote gotiations were broken off? Looking, against the motion, and move the order of then, at the situation of the country as he the day. did, conceiving her to be possessed of Mr. Fox said :—It would be difficult for abundant wealth, notwithstanding our tem- me, consistently with my duty, to give a porary embarrassments, he was satisfied silent vote upon the question. After all we had only to act with spirit, and we that this country has suffered, and after should find ourselves strong and rich. On contemplating the calamities that are imthe other hand, if we displayed unseason-pending, we have to consider whether we able parsimony or pusillanimity, we should find ourselves both weak and poor. He hoped they would not adopt a policy, which would only tend to degrade the character of the country. He should always be of opinion, that interest was inseparably connected with honour. He trusted that the commerce and wealth of the country would not induce them to adopt timid measures. If the burdens under which we now laboured had so dis

will address the throne for the purpose of facilitating peace, which I think, which I trust this House, which I know this country thinks, is the only means of repairing our misfortune, and averting our ruin. What is it that is now stated to the House by those who oppose this motion? What does the minister himself, who has had so large a share in producing your present calamities, and who, therefore, ought to feel for them, propose to you this night?

nection between haughtiness and mean. ness; and under the terms he was sent, it was as impossible to obtain a good peace, as if he had not been sent to Paris at all.But there is another point to be consider. ed with regard to that embassy: it took

What, but that you should continue that
confidence in him which has brought you
to those calamities; that you should con-
tinue that forbearance which is the source
of your misfortune: that you should still
trust to those counsels which have been
so fatal. He is for ever the same charac-place when there was a loan to be obtain.
ter, although he comes before you in dif-
ferent shapes. When he is called upon by
those who are the most willing to trust
him, to take some step that may lead to
peace, he comes forward with a promise
that he will do so, nay, that he is actually
doing it.
Promises you have had from
him in abundance, but not one of them
has he fulfilled. We are told this day as
I understand, that the city of London was
informed in the morning, that a gentleman
in a confidential character is going to
Vienna, the object of whose mission would
be explained this evening to the House of
Commons. How far that has been ex-
plained, I leave gentlemen to say. But,
it seems, Mr. Hammond, of whose abili-
ties I have no doubt, is going to Vienna,
and upon this the minister expects you to
stop at once in the performance of your
public duty. Heis going upon the subject
of peace, and under that general head,
supposing his employers to be sincere in
desiring to forward that event, he would
go with the unanimous wish of the people
of this country. But upon that sincerity
I have great doubts. What is the reason,
then of this embassy? I am afraid it is
too much like that which took place last
summer. When the French arms were
victorious; when the situation of the Em-
peror was critical, as admitted by all; des-
perate, as thought by many; then you
took a step similar to that which is now
about to be taken, and that was afterwards
followed by your sending a negotiator to
Paris. I know that some persons choose
to forget the dates and circumstances of
these events seeing that when lord Mal-
mesbury was sent to Paris, the French had
met with some defeats. That we were in
a state more prosperous when that noble
lord went to Paris than we had been some
time before is true; but when the mea-
sure was taken that led to that embassy,
we were in a situation the most disastrous.
I will not question, because I have no
means of proving, how far the minister
was sincere when he adopted that mea-
sure; I am inclined to think he was sin-
cere in his endeavours to make peace when
it was impossible for him to make a good
one; for I know there is a natural con-

ed, and he continued at Paris until that
loan was concluded. We are now at a
period in which the French have been
victorious, and the Emperor's situation
desperate; we are now also to negotiate
a loan; and we are now, as we were then,
called upon to confide in the professions of
the minister. This is the way in which
the minister chooses to gloss over the du-
plicity of his conduct: we are now to nego-
ciate in conjunction with the Emperor, and
Buonaparte is to be the negotiator for
peace for us both. The minister tells us,
"Do not put me under difficulties by
your untimely interference. It is a prin-
ciple, that the House of Commons should
confide in the executive government when
they are endeavouring to negociate for
peace." To that, as a general principle, I
have no difficulty in assenting, although,
perhaps, I should not agree with the mi-
nister as to the extent to which that prin-
ciple may be carried. The question is
not here, whether any minister, under any
circumstances, should have the confidence
of this House pending a negotiation? but,
whether the present minister, under the
present circumstances, ought to have that
confidence? And here it is not improper
to recur to what happened in this House
two years ago; a motion was made by an
hon. gentleman, not at all hostile to the
present minister in his general line of po-
litics. What was then the language? The
very same that we have heard this day:
"Do not vote for this proposition, but
trust to me." Then comes the common-
place argument, that every minister must
be interested in obtaining peace. I see no
reason why that desire should be peculiar
to a minister. Was not lord North in the
same situation during the last war? Has
not every minister been in the same situa-
tion? What is there peculiar in the cha-
racter or situation of the present minister
that should lead us to suppose that he is
more sincere in his professions of peace
than any other minister? Upon the oc-
casion to which I have alluded, the
present minister said he should be ready
to negociate whenever the enemy should

• Mr. Wilberforce, See Vol. 32, p. 1.

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