to be permitted, without dishonour, to act in opposition to the sentiments of the city of London, of the city of Westminster, or of Bristol; but if he dares to disagree with the duke, or lord, or baronet, whose representative he is, that he must be considered as unfit for the society of men of honour. ciprocity in this conduct? Is a gentleman | I was told of my "new library stuffed with the jargon of the Rights of Man;" it now appears, however, that I did not greatly over-rate this performance, and that those persons now quote Mr. Mackintosh as an authority, who before treated him with splenetic scorn. My intimacy with that gentleman has not diminished, but increased my admiration of his talents; and I can now with truth affirm, that he possesses as vigorous an intellect, as any man in this or any other country. Now, Sir, with all my sincere admiration of this book, I think the weakest and most objectionable passage in it, is that which the noble lord has quoted; I think it is that which the learned author would himself be the most desirous to correct. Without descending to minute and equivocal theories, and without inquiring farther into the Rights of man than what is necessary to our purpose, there is one position in which we shall all agree-that man has the right to be well governed. Now, it is obvious, that no people can be satisfied with a government from the constituent parts of which they are excluded. When we look to the kingdom of Scotland, we see a state of representation so monstrous and absurd so ridiculous and revolting, that it is good for nothing, except, perhaps to be placed by the side of the English, in order to set off our defective system, by the comparison of one still more defective. In Scotland there is no shadow even of representation; there is neither a representation of property for the counties, nor of population for the towns. It is not what we understand in England by freeholders, who elect in the counties; the right is vested in what are called the superiorities: and it might so happen that all the members for the counties of Scotland might come here without having the vote of a single person who had a foot of property in the land. This is an extreme case, but it is within the limits of their system. In the boroughs their magistrates are self-elected and therefore the members have nothing to do with the population of the towns. This, Sir, is the chicane and tyranny of corruption; and this at the same time, is called representation. In a very great degree the county members are held in the same sort of thraldom. A number of peers possess an overweening interest in the county, and a gentleman is no longer permitted to hold his situation than as he acts agreeably to the dictates of those powerful families. Let us see how the whole of this stream of corruption has been diverted from the side of the people to that of the crown: with what constant persevering art, every man who is possessed of influence in counties, corporations, or boroughs, that will yield to the solicitations of the court, is drawn over to that phalanx which is opposed to the small remnant of popular election. I have looked, Sir, to the machinations of the present minister in this way, and I find, that, including the number of additional titles, the right hon. gentleman has made no fewer than 115 peers in the course of =his administration; that is to say, he has bestowed no fewer than 115 titles, including new creations and elevations from one rank to another. How many of these are I to be ascribed to national services, and how many to parliamentary interest, I leave the House to inquire. The country is not blind to these arts of influence, and it is impossible that we can expect them to continue to endure them. A noble lord has quoted a most able book on the subject of the French revolution, the work of my very worthy and learned friend Mr. Mackintosh, and I rejoice to see that gentlemen begin to acknowledge the merits of that eminent writer, and that the impression that it made upon me at the time, is now felt and acknowledged by those who disputed its authority. The noble lord has quoted Mr. Mackintosh's book on account of the observation which he made on the article which relates to the French elections; he thought that their plan would lead to the evil of universal suffrage. I have not forgotten the sarcasms that were flung out on my approbation of this celebrated work; that Now, Sir, having shown this to be the state of our representation. I ask what remedy there can be other than reform ? What can we expect as the necessary result of a system so defective and vicious in all its parts, but increasing calamities, until we shall be driven to a convulsion. that would overthrow every thing? If we do not apply this remedy in time our fate is inevitable. Our most illustrious patriots, the men whose memories are the dearest to Englishmen, have long ago pointed out to us parliamentary reform as the only means of redressing national grievance. I need not inform you, that sir George Savile was its most strenuous advocate; I need not tell you that the venerable and illustrious Camden was through life a steady adviser of seasonable reform; nay, Sir, to a certain degree we have the authority of Mr. Burke himself for the propriety of correcting the abuses of our system; for gentlemen will remember the memorable answer which he gave to the argument that was used for our right of taxing America, on the score of their being virtually represented, and that they were in the same situation as Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield.—“ What!" said Mr. Burke, "when the people of America look up to you with the eyes of filial love and affection, will you turn to them the shameful parts of the constitution?" With the concurring testimony of so many authorities for correcting our abuses, why do we hesitate? Can we do any harm by experiment? Can we possibly put our selves into a worse condition than we are? What advantages we shall gain, I know not. I think we shall gain many. I think we shall gain at least the chance of warding off the evil of confusion, growing out of accumulated discontent. I think we shall save ourselves from the evil that has fallen upon Ireland. I think we shall satisfy the moderate, and take even from the violent, if any such there be, the power of increasing their numbers, and of making converts to their schemes. This, Sir, is my solemn opinion, and upon this ground it is that I recommend with earnestness and solicitude the proposition of my hon. friend. And now, Sir, before I sit down, allow me to make a single observation with respect to the character and conduct of those who have, in conjunction with my self, felt it their duty to oppose the progress of this disastrous war. I hear it said, "You do nothing but mischief when you are here; and yet we should be sorry to see you away." I do not know how we shall be able to satisfy the gentlemen who feel towards us in this way. If we can neither do our duty without mischief, nor please them with doing nothing, I know but of one way by which we can give them content, and that is, by putting an end to our existence. With respect to myself, and I believe I can also speak for others, I do not feel it consistent with my duty totally to secede from this House. I have no such intention; but, Sir, I have no hesitation in saying, that after seeing the conduct of this House, after seeing them give to ministers their confidence and support, upon convicted failure, imposition, and incapacity; after seeing them deaf and blind to the consequences of a career that penetrates the hearts of all other men with alarm, and that neither reason, experience, nor duty, are sufficiently powerful to influence them to oppose the conduct of government, I certainly do think that I may devote more of my time to my private pursuits, and to the retirement which I love, than I have hitherto done; I certainly think that I need not devote much of it to fruitless exertions, and to idle talk, in this House. Whenever it shall appear that my efforts may contribute in any degree to restore us to the situation from which the confi. dence of this House, in a desperate system and an incapable administration, has so suddenly reduced us, I shall be found ready to discharge my duty. Sir, I have done. I have given my advice. I propose the remedy, and fatal will it be for England if pride and prejudice much longer continue to oppose it. The remedy which is proposed is simple, easy, and practicable; it does not touch the vitals of the constitution; and I sincerely believe it will restore us to peace and harmony. Do you not think that you must come to parliamentary reform soon; and is it not better to come to it now when you have the power of deliberation, than when, perhaps, it may be extorted from you by convulsion? There is as yet time to frame it with freedom and discussion; it will even yet go to the people with the grace and favour of a spontaDeous act. What will it be when it is extorted from you with indignation and violence? God forbid that this should be the case! but now is the moment to prevent it; and now, I say, wisdom and policy recommend it to you, when you may enter into all the considerations to which it leads, rather than to postpone it to a time when you will have nothing to consider but the number and the force of those who demand it. It is asked, whether liberty has not gained much of late years, and whether the popular branch ought not, therefore, to be content? To this I answer, that if liberty has gained much, power has gained more. Power A new has been indefatigable and unwearied in them. Shall we, then, be blind to the its encroachments. Every thing has run lessons which the events of the world exin that direction through the whole course hibit to our view? Pride, obstinacy, and of the present reign. This was the opi-insult, must end in concessions, and those nion of sir George Savile, of the marquis concessions must be humble in proportion of Rockingham, and of all the virtuous to our unbecoming pride. Now is the men who, in their public life, proved moment to prevent all these degradations; themselves to be advocates for the rights of the monarchy, the aristocracy, the people the people. They saw and deplored the ten-themselves, may now be saved; it is only dency of the court; they saw that there necessary, at this moment, to conquer was a determined spirit in the secret ad our own passions. Let those ministers, visers of the crown to advance its power, whose evil genius has brought us to our and to encourage no administration that present condition, retire from the post should not bend itself to that pursuit. to which they are unequal. I have no Accordingly, through the whole reign, hesitation in saying, that the present adno administration which cherished notions ministration neither can nor ought to reof a different kind has been permitted to main in place; let them retire from his last, and nothing, therefore, or next to majesty's councils, and then let us, with nothing, has been gained to the side of an earnest desire of recovering the counthe people, but every thing to the crown try, pursue this moderate scheme of rein the course of the reign. During form, under the auspices of men who the whole of this period we have had no are likely to conciliate the opinion more than three administrations, one for of the people. I do not speak this, twelve months, one for nine, and one for Sir, from personal ambition. three months, that acted upon the popular administration ought to be formed: I principles of the early part of this cen- have no desire, no wish to make a part of tury: nothing, therefore, I say has been any such administration; and I am sure gained to the people, while the constant that such an arrangement is feasible, and current has run towards the crown; and that it is capable of being done without God knows what is to be the consequence, me. My first and chief desire is to see both to the crown and country! I be- this great end accomplished. I have no lieve that we are come to the last mo- wish to be the person, or to be one of the ment of possible remedy. I believe that persons to do it; but though my inclinaat this moment the enemies of both are tion is for retirement, I shall always be few; but I firmly believe that what has ready to give my free and firm support to been seen in Ireland will be experi- any administration that shall restore to enced also here; and that if we are the country its outraged rights, and reto go on in the same career with con- establish its strength upon the basis of vention bills and acts of exaspera-free representation; and therefore, Sir, tion of all kinds, the few will soon I shall certainly give my vote for the probecome the many, and that we shall have position of my hon. friend. to pay a severe retribution for our present pride. What a noble lord said some time ago of France, may be applicable to this very subject-" What!" said he, "negociate with France? With men whose hands are reeking with the blood of their sovereign? What, shall we degrade ourselves by going to Paris, and there asking in humble, diplomatic language, to be on a good understanding with them?" Gentlemen will remember these lofty words; and yet we have come to this humiliation; we have negociated with France; and I should not be surprised to see the noble lord himself (Hawkesbury) going to Paris, not at the head of his regiment, but on a diplomatic mission to those very regicides, to pray to be upon a good understanding with After sir W. Dolben had said a few words in support of the motion, the House divided: YEAS NOES Tellers. {Mr. William Smith Mr. Sheridan 91 The lord Hawkesbury256 {Mr. Douglas So it passed in the negative. Anson, Thomas Biddulph, Robert Brogden, James Burch, Jos. Randyll Coke, Thomas W. Coke, Edward Clarke, Edward Heathcote, sir G., bt. Jekyll, Joseph Lemon, sir Wm. bart. bart. ships attention. It is a beaten track which presents little variety to the view, except some new calamity, and some fresh misfortune. But we ought not to be de terred by this disagreeable prospect. It is our duty to exert ourselves to remove the causes of those calamities which we suffer, and to avert those dangers which we apprehend. The war is the first point to which I shall call the attention of your lordships, as the great source of our present calamities. It has been said, that this was a war undertaken for the preservation of law, religion, and morality Northey, Wm. Philips, J. G. Pierse, Henry Plumer, W. Pollen, G. A. Rawdon, hon. J. Rawdon, hon. George Richardson, Joseph Robson, R. B. Russell, lord John Russell, lord Wm. St. John, hon. St. A. Shum, George Spencer, lord Robert Stanley, lord Stein, John Sturt, Charles Taylor, M. A. Thornton, Henry Tierney, George Townshend, lord John Trevanion, John Tufton, hon. John Tufton, hon. Henry Turner, sir Charles, bt. Vansittart, George Vyner, Robert, jun. Walpole, hon. George Walwyn, James Western, C. C. Whitbread, Samuel Wigley, Edmund Wilkins, Walter Williams, sir T., bt. Williams, Owen Wilson. Richard TELLERS. Sheridan, R. B. Smith, W. Debate in the Lords on the Duke of Bedford's Motion for the Dismission of his Majesty's Ministers.] May 30. The Duke of Bedford rose, and spoke as follows:-After the fate which has attended the different motions which the state of public affairs has induced me to bring forward, it may, perhaps, appear surprising that I should again obtrude myself upon your lordships. Disappointed, however, as I have been upon former occasions, the circumstances in which the country is placed, call for every exertion for its salvation, which presents the slighttest hopes of success. I therefore feel myself compelled once more to call upon your lordships to take into your consideration the causes and the consequences of that situation. No man will deny the unexampled extent of our calamities. In tracing the picture of our situation for the last four years, the period to which I intend to limit my observations, there can little new to which to call your lord -a war in defence of our liberty, our constitution, our property. What is the state of property now? Has it been meliorated. What are the benefits which we have derived from the war? If you wished to destroy the republican government, consider the situation in which it which you are placed. If you went to now stands, and the circumstances in war upon that principle, why do you not persevere upon the same ground? Or have ministers abandoned the cause for which they originally contended, because they find that it cannot be attained? While you embarked in a contest to defend your laws against a foreign enemy, perhaps it would have been as well to have secured them against an administration at home. Are your laws ameliorated by the war? On the contrary, have not your dearest privileges been suspended? Have not laws been made against that very liberty which you went to war to defend? It has been said that we went to war for the preservation of religion. Did you expect to defend the altar by surrounding it with seas of blood, or to secure it from violation, by piling round it the carcases of the dead? We have been told that we were fighting in support of mo rality. Has this war, then, produced many examples favourable to morality? Has the conduct of the king of Prussia furnished examples of morality? Do you find it in the dungeons of Olmutz, or in the conduct of those petty tyrants who buzzed about you when there were any hopes of success and disappeared when your cause was des perate? If we look at the attempts which have been made to negociate, we shall be able to judge of the hopes of peace under the auspices of those who are entrusted with the administration of public affairs. Can any one think, that the best mode of negotiation has been tried, or that the means most likely to best, ensure success have been employed? | would ask the House, then, seriously to That the means employed were not the consider the time and the circumstances I have always thought; and in this in which the point was so obstinately opinion I have been confirmed by the ac- maintained. After what they must have knowledgment even of those who sup- known of the internal situation of this ported the war, and who, in other respects, country, after they were apprized of the approved the measures of ministers. I danger with which the Bank was menaced, hold it clear from the documents pro- was it wise to put Belgium in compeduced, that ministers were willing to tition with the public credit of this counmake peace, provided Belgium was given try? I would ask, whether those shortup to the Emperor, or placed in such sighted ministers, who risked the main a situation as to be independent of France; spring of our prosperity, and the deand that France was willing to conclude struction of that grand source from a peace if we had agreed to cede Bel- which flows all our wealth and all our gium. When I reflect upon the conduct greatness, by insisting upon a demand of ministers on this occasion, knowing which they had no prospect of ever being as they must have done the critical able to enforce, can justify the confidence situation of the country, and the state of the House, or inspire hopes of success of our resources, I cannot feel much from their future exertions? The next confidence in the success of any attempts point is the state of our finances. I am at negotiation which they may make. not prepared to show the exact amount of They were apprized of the danger which the debt incurred by the war; I am afraid, threatened public credit; they were able however, that the payment of the interest to judge how far it was wise to insist is but scantily provided for the annual upon terms when they compared them amount of the new taxes is 7 millions: with the means by which they could but I believe a very considerable adbe enforced. It cannot be denied, that ditional sum will be requisite to cover the the restoration of Belgium was peremp- whole expense that has been incurred. torily insisted upon. The friends of mi- Should the war continue three months nisters, indeed, contend, that this was but longer, or for the whole of the year, three the opening of negotiation, that the French millions more must be raised to deflew off, and that no opportunity was fray the interest of the debt which this given to remove obstacles. Upon this war has created. It appears from the resubject I must refer to the facts which port of the committee appointed to exathe letter of lord Malmesbury contains. mine into the subject in 1790, or 1791, The English minister gave in a memorial, that for the average of the five years preproposing the general restoration to the ceding, the peace establishment was Emperor of all the acquisitions which the 16,850,000l. including the annual million French had made at his expense. Upon for the reduction of the national debt. this proposition a conversation ensued Different circumstances will make an adbetween lord Malmesbury and M. Dela- dition to that peace establishment of Lord Malmesbury opened the 500,000.; so that the whole of the exsubject in a manner which did him the penses already incurred, the sum which highest credit. He told the French mi- will be found outstanding on the winding nister, that the magnitude of the subject up of the accounts, which I compute at ought to exclude finesse; that they ought 15,000,000. the whole of the new peace to speak out with freedom and truth. establishment, with the additional 200,000l. He seems to say, that the restoration of annually voted for the reduction of the Belgium to the Emperor would be in- national debt, will now require an ansisted upon, but desires a contre projet ; nual peace establishment amounting to adding, however, at the same time, that 26,300,000%. The permanent taxes preno expectation should be admitted that vious to the war were stated at 13,890,0007. Belgium would be retained. Its ceasing Taking the taxes imposed since 1793 for to belong to the French was admitted to what they have been given, and stating be a sine quâ non. No man, then, can the land tax at its usual amount, there contend, unless lord Malmesbury had remains upon the whole a deficiency of acted in opposition to his instructions, 3,000,000. Enormous as the burthens but that the ministers of this country had already imposed upon the country are, we determined that Belgium should not re- have to lament the additional burthens main a part of the French republic. I they must yet undergo. Ten millions and [VOL. XXXIII] [3 B] |