great number of those taken were either shot or hanged; and in several instances for offences which are usually considered undeserving of so severe a punishment, such as having arms concealed in their houses, distributing revolutionary writings, and speaking disrespectfully of the government. About the same time, the newspaper "Il Milanese" was suspended, for having uttered some ironical remarks on the authorities.

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In the Venetian territories, an amnesty was published for some of the political refugees, early in March. But several refused to avail themselves of this permission to return to their native country, being unwilling to live under a despotic government; and an edict of denaturalization was accordingly issued against them.*

Early in the spring, the Emperor made a tour through his Italian territories, and at Venice was received with enthusiasm, as he restored to that city the privileges of a free port. As a testimony of their joy for this act, the municipality placed 2,000 florins at the disposal of the Cardinal Patriarch, for the purpose of being distributed to the poor. The trade of the city had been nearly ruined by the withdrawal of the right which had now been restored; and hence their joy at the act. While at Trieste, the titular Duke of Bordeaux dined with him, and received marked attention. The Ban Jellachich, also, came about the same time, and paid his respects.

In Milan, it had become a common practice to affix revolutionary placards and symbols on buildings during the night. This was done by some unknown republicans; and the owners gave offence to the authorities by not removing them with sufficient despatch. They, therefore, gave notice that persons who should offend in this way, would be fined ten florins (dimes). These fines were to form a fund, out of which 100 florins would be given as a reward for discovering any person who had posted up such documents. If the fund should not be sufficient for this purpose, the respective parishes were to make up the deficiency.

*The proceedings of the officials were conducted with great secrecy; but facts occasionally transpired to indicate their nature. A man was accused, for example, of petty larceny, and lashed to extort a confession so severely that he was conveyed to the hospital, where his life was for some time despaired of, gangrene having supervened. It was afterwards discovered that the real culprit was a woman.

CHAPTER IX.

General aspect of the Italian States-Sardinia-Tuscany-severe measures of the Grand Duke-Treaties of Sardinia-speech of Marquis d'Azgelio—The French in Rome-Gen. Gemeau fortifies St. Angelo-robberies in the Papal States-official acts of the Roman government.-Naples-Arbitrary acts of the government—arrests &c.-Spain-Fall of the Narvaez ministry—Cortes dissolved—address of the Marquis Albayda-liberty of the press-the new Cortes.-Portugal-Insurrection of Saldanhaflight of Thomar-Saldanha's proclamation-is appointed Premier—his measures.— Switzerland.-Disturbances in Berne-political refugees-outbreak in Freiburg.

ITALY.

THERE was in the year 1851 a great similarity between the circumstances of this country and those presented in the Austrian dominions, reactionary proceedings on the part of the government, accompanied frequently with exhibitions of cruelty, and sullen discontent on the part of the people. The hopes of political ameliorations, which had been so common within the last few years, entirely vanished for the present; and the expectation of a general union of all Italians under one federal and constitutional government shared the same fate. The masses of the people must become more intelligent and moral before any great progress can be made towards effecting those results, which many believed to be close at hand.

The only exception to the general reaction was presented by the Sardinian dominions, where some gleams of freedom still appear, and which it was hoped would in time kindle a light that would ultimately illumine that classic peninsula.

In the latter part of December, 1850, the government of Tuscany directed that the students of the Universities should frequent certain religious conferences, to be held by Professors of Theology. The first conference of the kind was held in the church of San Vigilio, at Sienna, where the archbishop, and all the University authorities attended. But the greater part of the students, losing all respect for the sacred character of the place, and the sacerdotal character of the archbishop, interrupted the proceedings by the most irreverent cries and howls. The Grand Duke consequently ordered that all the students should lose a year of study, and that the University should be closed till the authors of the disturbances had been discovered by a judicial inquiry.

About the same time the Grand Duke empowered the authorities to imprison for a year any person of whom they might entertain political suspicions. The last remains of the National Guard of Tuscany were dissolved by an edict, dated the 31st of

May. A few days before, some disturbances took place in the church of Santa Croce at Florence, when the troops and police attacked the assembled multitude, and many were killed. The "Statute" published an account of the massacre; and it was suppressed by the government in consequence.

Early in the summer, Count Guicciardini, a Tuscan nobleman, was banished from Italy, because he had been found reading the Bible, and had avowed opinions akin to those of Protestants. He withdrew to France, and thence to England.

In the Sardinian Chambers, M. Broflerio presented a proposi tion for abolishing the penalties imposed on persons who had committed any offences against the Catholic religion. But as he did not propose any other punishment as a substitute, the Chamber refused to take his proposition into consideration.

Commercial and navigation treaties were made by Sardinia with Great Britain and Belgium early in the spring, with the former for twelve, and with the latter for eight years. Both establish perfect reciprocity of commercial intercourse, on the footing of the most favored nations. A treaty of commerce was also made with Switzerland. These treaties gave great offence to the Papal and Tuscan governments, who disrelished a close and friendly relation to countries having constitutional governments. They also refused passports to many of their subjects who wished. to visit the World's Fair; and his Majesty of Naples was still more cautious in this respect.

The third anniversary of the proclamation of the constitution, was celebrated in the Sardinian dominions with great enthusiasm. At Turin, the cries of "Victor Emanuel II. forever! the constitution and Italy forever!" were universal. In reply to a question from Signor Valerio, Marquis d'Azeglio, the Minister for Foreign. Affairs, said that the government was making every effort to restore harmony between the State and the Church, but that it would never sacrifice its duty to the country, in order to obtain that end. As to a league with the other Italian States, he said there was no foundation whatever for the rumor to that effect. A bill introduced into the Chamber of Deputies, to regulate and diminish the admissions into monasteries, was received with cheers from all parts of the House; but the ministry opposed it, as it would embarrass the pending negotiations with the Court of Rome; and it was not passed.

In the same House, on a debate upon the budget of foreign affairs, the Marquis d'Azeglio delivered a speech remarkable for its honorable sentiments; and it was received by the Chamber with loud applause. As utterances of this kind were quite rare on the Continent, we give an extract from it, in the Marquis' own words:

"A political conduct founded upon justice and good faith has always been the best and will continue to be the most useful. Much has been said of late on State expediency; for my part, I do not believe those two different standards of morality, one for the men who govern, and one for those who are governed, and I do not think State expediency should deviate from common morality. Absolutism and the policy of bad faith have had their time. They were in vigor when public affairs were managed by a king and a few ministers, and often by a favorite or a mistress. But at that time the periodical press was weak, the means of communication rare, and public opinion without power. But now, if I but touch public opinion, it vibrates instantly from Edinburgh to Moscow with the rapidity of lightning. I cannot deny that there is a terrible and obscure problem to be solved, the future destiny of society. I do not pretend to solve it, but I affirm on my conscience that society can only find repose under a government of good faith. I say it is our duty to sacrifice an immediate advantage in order to attain the more important advantages attached to a reputation of purity and honesty. This has been our principal guide, both in domestic and foreign policy. Remember that when we accepted office, the country, shaken by a recent misfortune, uncertain as to what might still be in reserve for it, agitated by parties, suspecting every one, could only be pacified by confidence and concord. The ministry sought to deserve the former, and to train the minds of inen to the latter. If it has succeeded, it owes it first to God and then to the probity of the king, to the prudence of parliament, to the virtues of the whole nation, because Piedmont is an old land of probity and honor. As we have acted with respect to our home policy, so we have in our foreign relations. The first principle of justice is the independence, the honor and dignity of the nation. Europe, which for some time labored under an erroneous impression concerning us, has seen by the line we follow that we are not a people of anarchists, but a people desirous of liberty and independence. And now it is universally known that, while we do not seek what belongs to others, we are ready to die rather than give up what is ours. We wish to justify this flattering testimony, and we will strive to maintain in our diplomacy those traditions of honor and loyalty. Gentlemen, there are persons who have accused us of having done little or nothing. I answer that, within the limits of our means, we have done what was in our power for the good of the country. We have lived, and that is something; and, please God, we shall continue to live, free, independent, and honored."

The threatening attitude assumed by Austria, then concentrating troops on the Sardinian frontiers, led the government to

put the country in a state of defence, and to take all practicable steps to secure it against invasion.

In the Roman territories, the most striking feature was the bad understanding existing between the government and the French troops. These were sufficiently odious from the first, to the great mass of the people, who were mostly attached to the Republic; and their failing to second the government fully, in carrying out reactionary proceedings, and enforcing very severe measures against all who were in any way concerned in the popular government, brought them into disfavor with the hierarchy. They were also disliked for being tainted with liberalism. The Papal and French troops frequently engaged in bloody quarrels; and several of the latter were killed, as the mob always sided with their own soldiers. In consequence of such occurrences, Gen. Gemeau abandoned some secondary posts, and concentrated his men in the vicinity of the Castle of St. Angelo. This measure was rendered the more proper, from the fact that several of the French soldiers had been assassinated, when they were walking through the streets at night, or in taverns. Some of the Romans were tried and shot for such crimes. Gemeau also published a proclamation, suppressing all permissions to carry arms, and requiring them to be surrendered by a given day, after which the houses were to be searched; and every person found in possession of arms was to be tried by a court-martial. The owners of houses were made responsible for the arms that might be found on their premises. On the day that this proclamation was issued, a man was assassinated only about 100 yards from Gen. Gemeau's residence. At the same time he caused 10,000 rations, and a large quanity of powder, to be taken into the Castle of St. Angelo. These measures had the effect of repressing the previous disorders.

The dislike of the French appeared during the carnival, when the mob threw bouquets loaded with stones, and lime-dust. It was thought by some that the mob were countenanced in what they did, and that the government would have greatly preferred an Austrian to a French army of occupation; but the soldiers received it all with the characteristic good humor of their countrymen, so that no collision occurred, although several persons were severely injured by the reckless conduct of the mob. The municipality were under the disagreeable necessity of paying 500,000 francs to General Gemeau, for lodging money, reparation of barracks, and new beds for the French soldiers. The government was also highly displeased at his ordering some of the Papal soldiers to be shot, when they thought death had not been deserved. Their ill-will had been further heightened by Gemeau's occupying several positions previously held by their