terms of deadly hostility to him since 1848, and had been for some time engaged in uniting by political ties the leaders of the opposition party, Saldanha, Lavradio, and Magalhaes, who carried with them a great majority of the royalist party. But the decided opposition of Saldanha to insurrectionary movements had been regarded as a guarantee for the peace of the kingdom. By these means a powerful political and military combination was effected against the court and the premier. The troops at Mafra, Cintra, and Leoria had been tampered with; and when Saldanha raised the standard of insurrection, early in April, they joined him on the first summons, his name and moderation giving dignity to the

movement.

On the 8th of April, Saldanha led those who had joined him towards Santarem, expecting the accession of several regiments of cavalry and infantry at that place. But the King promptly placed himself at the head of the forces in Lisbon, who remained faithful, and by a bold and rapid march, secured the fidelity of Santarem; whereupon Saldanha fell back on Leiria and Coimbra. Count de Casal, who commanded at Oporto, refused to join the insurgents, although he was solicited to do so; and, therefore, after a few days, Saldanha was obliged to take refuge on the other side of the Spanish frontier, the adverse events just mentioned having prevented many of his adherents from joining his standard. It is said that Casal's refusal to co-operate with Saldanha proceeded from the Queen's having promised to confer on him the title of marquis, and that of baroness on his youngest daughter.

While affairs thus appeared adverse to the success of the insurgents, things suddenly took a different turn, as is common in the history of the Peninsula. Casal arrested several of the officers of the garrison of Oporto, on strong suspicions of being in connection with Saldanha. Upon this the garrison revolted in favor of the insurrection; and the count, after making several ineffectual attempts to quell the movement, was obliged to leave Oporto abruptly, accompanied by only one aid-de-camp. A colonel of infantry was shot by the soldiers, about the same time, for attempting to bring his men to obedience.

Saldanha, being informed of all that was transpiring, suddenly moved towards Oporto, and entered that city on the 27th of April, where he was enthusiastically received, and established his head-quarters. Upon receiving news of the outbreak at Oporto, Count Thomar immediately resigned, and embarked on board the British vessel Montrose, which landed him at Vigo, whence he went to England.

The insurrection now spread rapidly throughout the kingdom; for the Queen did not call to power any party so decidedly op

posed to Thomar, as to furnish a guarantee that he would not be again recalled. Many of the troops under the command of the King deserted, and hastened to join Saldanha at Oporto. Two whole regiments moved away under his eye, when formed in marching order. The feeling against the Queen and her husband was so strong, that they durst not, for some time, appear in public; and there were loud cries for her abdication. The King hastened to Lisbon, and resigned his command in chief of the army.

On the resignation of Thomar, the Queen sent for the Duke of Terceira, in order to form a new cabinet from the old Thomar party; but the duke failed in his attempt. A provisional administration was formed, however, by Baron de Luz. The views of Saldanha were not yet well known; and the court party feared that he meant to have the Queen deposed, and a regency appointed until the heir to the throne was of age. But the following proclamation, addressed to the inhabitants of Lisbon, indicated that such were not his intentions:

"Inhabitants of Lisbon !—The flag which I have had the honor to unfurl is so eminently national, that as soon as it was known, that flag was adopted in all parts of the kingdom, in the most sincere, frank, and decided manner. Let us consolidate the throne of her Majesty the Queen Donna Maria II. and her dynasty; let us reform the constitutional charter, let us have really free elections, in order that we may be enabled to have a truly national representation, and justice, liberty, morality, and economy, in the place of the immorality, corruption, and robbery that have been proclaimed as the theory of government.

"In a few days I hope to be among you: I know that the agents of a corrupt and corrupting minister await that moment to give utterance to seditious cries. If this should be done, I shall seize the first who shall be bold enough to do so, and deliver him up to the authorities, that he may be punished. I am fully convinced of the nationality of the banner which I have displayed; persuaded as I am that my countrymen of Lisbon know me, I feel certain that they will do me the justice to believe that I will employ every means in my power to cause the city to be respected. "The Duke of SALDANHA.

"Head-Quarters, Oporto, May 9, 1851."

This proclamation afforded the only means of ascertaining the exact intentions of Saldanha that had hitherto appeared; and, in connection with his previous opinions, and opposition to the absolutist policy of Thomar, it satisfied the people that he was on the side of liberalism. The insurrection was now, therefore,

triumphant, and it was more popular than it might have otherwise have been, on account of Saldanha's character and circumstances. He was an accomplished gentleman, and a man of liberal education; and though he had been long in power, his pecuniary resources were very limited, the late administration having deprived him of some offices to which he had been appointed on account of his many public services.

Saldanha was now invited by the Queen to form an administration. He accordingly proceeded to Lisbon, where he arrived on the 15th of May, in steam transports, accompanied by 3,000 troops. Their reception was very enthusiastic, and the day was generally observed as a holiday.

Notwithstanding this favorable reception, Saldanha found himself surrounded with difficulties. The various parties who did not approve of any such innovation, stood aloof from him, expecting that their own party views might be promoted by leaving him to struggle with the difficulties in which he had placed himself. The revenues had been anticipated and squandered, and the country generally was in an impoverished and discontented state. Saldanha, therefore, placed himself at the head of the transition ministry, which had been formed by the Baron de Luz, until a suitable permanent ministry could be formed, which was found to be a matter of much difficulty.

Soon afterwards signs of a disposition hostile to the revolution, appeared among several regiments of the army, stationed at a distance from Lisbon; and in some instances they had declared against Saldanha. But all demonstrations of this kind were suppressed, and precautionary measures were taken against their recurrence, while Saldanha proceeded with his intended reforms as rapidly as his unfavorable circumstances permitted. He appointed a committee to inquire into the financial condition of the country, and issued three important decrees. One of them removed Don Pedro's interdict against the admission into the House of Peers of all those who signed the requisition to Don Miguel in 1828, which was well received. Another called a new Cortes, to meet on the 15th of September, with extraordinary powers of reform, and for revising the Constitution. This measure also was approved of by the majority of the nation, although it was quite unacceptable to the abolitionist party.

SWITZERLAND.

As this country has little political influence abroad, and the powers of the federal government are very limited, it offers generally to our notice few occurrences similar to those which engage

our attention elsewhere. Yet within the last few years, it has been the scene of many interesting events, and it will probably continue to claim the notice of the historian for some time to come.

Early in January, serious disturbances broke out in Berne, in opposition to the measures of the government in that canton. These proceeded from some of the radical party, who were dissatisfied with the government. Trees of liberty were planted in several places, and there were conflicts with the troops; but the insurgents were dispersed without much serious injury on either side.

The protection afforded by the Swiss to political refugees from the surrounding countries, had been a great eye-sore to the absolute governments of Europe, ever since the outbreaks of 1848; and they had been incessantly remonstrating with the federal or central government, to have them expelled. As the Swiss did not feel themselves strong enough to despise such remonstrances, several of the refugees were expelled; but many were not, and the absolute sovereigns seemed too much afraid of trouble nearer home to press the Swiss on that account, although there were many indications that the Helvetic Republic would be suppressed by force, if it appeared that such an enterprise could be accomplished without incurring results which those personages would deem a still greater evil.

A Lombard refugee named Vare, who had been residing at Lausanne, and was supposed to be an agent of Mazzini, was peremptorily expelled and sent to Piedmont. The federal Council also abolished the absolute obligation imposed in July, 1849, on the various cantons, to receive political refugees; and it enforced the decrees relative to the expulsion or transmission of refugees into the interior. They also sent a circular to the governments of the frontier cantons, requesting them not to permit German political refugees to establish themselves within their territories, particularly if they were originally from Baden, even when naturalized in another canton, unless they had been in possession of their civic rights for at least five years, as required by the federal constitution.

In the month of March, an outbreak occurred in the canton of Friburg, caused by the adherents of the suppressed Sonderbund. The new government was represented to many of the ignorant German peasants of that canton as being atheistical; and they were told that they would secure the favor of Heaven by overturning it. They were further told that the government was detested, and that a show of force would of itself be sufficient to overturn it. The peasantry accordingly entered the city of Fri

burg on the 22d of March, pillaged the arsenal, planted two pieces of cannon in commanding situations, and proclaimed the established government at an end. But the city guard, the Council of State, the police, and many of the inhabitants, immediately rose in behalf of the government; and the rebels were summoned to lay down their arms. They replied by a discharge of musketry. A contest then commenced, in which several of the insurgents were killed, and others wounded; and they speedily fled in all directions. Canard, the leader, and many others, were taken prisoners.

On some of them was found a list of a provisional government, charged to draw up a new constitution, and a decree to establish a court-martial, with absolute power. There was also found an intended proclamation, in which it was declared that the existing government was dissolved, its officers deposed, all school-masters suspended from office, and the canton declared in a state of siege; and further, that every person who should refuse to obey the new government, would be instantly shot. A proclamation was now published by the magistrates, in which they declared that the rebellion had been instigated by the fallen theocracy. The Council of State declared the town in a state of siege. But it soon appeared that only a few of the peasantry were concerned. in the outbreak; and matters resumed their usual course.

CHAPTER X.

Russia-The Emperor's policy-Museum-Poland incorporated in the Empire-Circassian war.- -Turkey and Egypt-Insurrections in Bosnia and Samos-a firman in favor of Christians—Hungarian refugees-dispute respecting the holy places in Syria -difficulties between the Sultan and the Viceroy of Egypt.-Greece-Robberies-J. W. King, the missionary—succession to the throne-dissolution of the Chambersimbecility and corruption of the government.—Africa.

RUSSIA.

THE absence of all free discussion and communication throughout the Russian empire, and the stringent measures adopted by the government to suppress intercourse between Russian subjects and foreigners, except those of a strictly commercial, public, and diplomatic character, put it out of our power to give anything like a connected history of the wide dominions ruled by the Czar; and we must, therefore, content ourselves with such incidents as we can occasionally collect.