to hope for the establishment of an English Bureau on the model of the United States National Bureau, there seems, however, no reason why an attempt should not be made to form a department or a sub-department of the Board of Trade, which should enjoy something like the same independence, and be exclusively devoted to statistical and general treatment of the labour question in its various forms.

To those who urge that we have this system practically in operation under the direction of Mr. Giffen there is an obvious answer, for before the collection of labour statistics was added to the work of Mr. Giffen his duties were already sufficiently onerous. The additional responsibilities imposed in respect of labour information meant extra work for him, and threw upon him, together with the burden of the Statistical Department, the charge and direction of an increased staff. All that has taken place, therefore, as a result of the measures initiated by Mr. Bradlaugh, and approved by the House of Commons in 1886, is an extension of the Commercial Department of the Board of Trade; and naturally the new branch is considered of less importance than the old one. As set forth in a Parliamentary return issued nearly two years ago, there would seem to be some ten or eleven persons employed at the Board of Trade on labour statistics, the Labour Correspondent and two clerks being engaged on what may be called general labour statistics and information, whilst the remainder of the total number work only on statistics of wages under the direction of the Superintendent of Statistics, who has also a large amount of other work to attend to. The faultiness of this system may be guessed from the fact that the two sections into which the Labour Department of the Board of Trade is divided have no connection with each other; neither knows, except incidentally, what is being done in the opposite section.

In the State of New York, on the other hand, the Labour Bureau is complete in itself, under a head responsible only to the Minister; a regular staff is appointed, and a yearly budget is voted. Not only so, but, as Mr. Bradlaugh has also noted, the Bureau has power to visit any town in the State to take evidence, and can compel the attendance of witnesses to give any required information.

Many may share the great hesitation which Mr. Bradlaugh has expressed as to the wisdom of following the American pattern on this point by adding to our labour legislation a clause which should make the supply of statistical information compulsory under penalty. There can, however, be no two opinions as to the desirability of enabling our Labour Statistical Department, or let us say our Labour Correspondent, to employ local or foreign agents, other than officials, if necessary, to collect or furnish any special information that may be required: a power the exercise of which is at the disposal of the Labour Bureau at Washington.

In this connection, it seems to me also desirable to refer to the questions which are now constantly pressing for attention as regards the labour of women and its effect not only on their own status, but on the general conditions of labour and on the wages of men. It has, I believe, been more than once suggested that the appointment of a woman Labour Correspondent to the Board of Trade is desirable in the interests of women's labour, and it has been said that her sex would endow her services with a character of special value. Apart even from the fact that the questions affecting the labour of women in every important division of modern industry are inextricably mixed up with the conditions of men's labour, there is, I think, very considerable advantage to be gained by having one head at the direction of all branches of the investigations instituted into labour matters. "L'unité de l'autorité dans la maison" is not a thing, in any case, to be lightly sacrificed, and it would be much to be regretted, in the interests of women themselves, if a one-sided view were taken of their position, or if we incurred the risk of having someone appointed to such a post who would, intentionally or unintentionally, foster the feeling sometimes openly expressed, and certainly latent in large sections of the public, that it is a good thing to find employment for women in any and every trade, regardless of the disastrous consequences which may be entailed on others by their introduction. The training, even of our leading women, at the present moment has not been carried far enough for it to be safe to place in their hands the direction of any part of a policy which involves dealing with industrial questions of great magnitude. The most competent

would probably be the first to proclaim their own insufficiency. There are, however, many who could render good service in subordinate positions, who, for example-whenever it was felt that they had special qualifications for conducting inquiry into branches of trade in which women were solely or largely employed-might act as agents of the Labour Correspondent, according to the plan adopted in the United States, and might report to him directly on the points as to which he required information. I could, of my own knowledge, specify cases in which, as I believe, women agents, if carefully chosen, might get at essential details which would be less readily given to men, and would—again I repeat, if carefully chosen -be less likely to be imposed upon by little practices more or less familiar to all the daughters of Eve, and for which room may occasionally be found, even in the dry and narrow course of a labour inquiry.

Briefly, then, I would sum up my position on this question by saying that, whilst wholly agreeing with Mr. Bradlaugh in asserting that it is necessary, in the interests of British industry, that the public, and especially the public of working men, should have at their command full, complete, and if not annually, at least frequently, published statistics of all branches of labour, domestic and foreign, I should not propose to buy this advantage by doing away with the one official whose special duty it is to find out, by personal contact with the leaders of industry, in what directions these investigations are most needed. I would rather, whilst suggesting the concentration of the whole work in one completely constituted department, urge that, above all things, the hands of the present Labour Correspondent be further strengthened, so that the division, which has, in spite of its "starved" condition, turned out such splendid work, may never again be described, as I have heard it described: "The Labour Bureau of Great Britain is Burnett, a man, and a boy"!

EMILIA F. S. DILKE.

Τ'

`HE extraordinary Session of the Chamber of Deputies has been occupied almost entirely by the discussion of the Budget of 1891. It is long since a Parliamentary Session has passed so quietly, so calmly, and, if I may be allowed to say so—although I did form part of the Budget Committee—so productively. The Budget of 1891 should be, indeed, a Reform Budget; and the importance of the reforms to be contained in it are known already. In the first place, a saving of over sixty millions as compared with its predecessor. In the second place, the diminution of the tax on unbuilt-over ground-that is to say, on land—a reduction which has been received with joy by French agriculturists, and has been effected by the mere raising of the tax on transferable securities from 3 to 4 per cent. Lastly and specially, the incorporation of the Extraordinary War Budget. This Budget-the most enormous in any time or any country-had been covered hitherto by socalled extraordinary means, that is to say, by loans on bonds at long terms. We have converted the floating debt of continual six-yearly loans into a perpetual loan upon the funds— that is, into stock-to be raised in the month of January; and henceforth we shall only go to the taxes for our war expenses. It used to be said that France was rich enough to pay for her glory. We are going to show that she is rich enough to pay without loans for the considerable cost of the national defence. Germany had thought that she would certainly exhaust us. France replies that she is richer than ever. The incorporation of the Extraordinary War Budget has produced a great impression upon the diplomatic representatives in Paris; there was no general expectation of seeing France put forth such a proof of her inexhaustible vitality. The proof is now given with the greatest possible brilliance.

VOL. IV.-No. 20.

G

The discussion of the Budget has done great honour to the speakers who took part in it. I cannot analyse in this brief article the numerous and important speeches which were delivered on the subject. But I must dwell upon the final vote. Hitherto the entire Monarchical right wing has refused to vote for the Budget. This year, for the first time, a Deputy of the Right, an old sous-préfet of the Empire, ascended the tribune to declare that the refusal to vote supplies was a revolutionary act, and that, consequently, as he had given his adhesion to the principle of the Republic, he should vote for the Budget, an example which was followed by some twenty Deputies, while only forty opposed, and all the others abstained.

The profound discouragement of the parties of the Monarchy and Empire has been, indeed, the principal characteristic of recent politics. The Bonapartists and Royalists made their supreme effort when they followed General Boulanger. The defeat of that adventurer was the deathblow of the anti-Republican parties. They were not only conquered and crushed, but they have since been dishonoured, in the persons of their pretenders, by those revelations which the accomplices of the Jersey exile, when they became traitors to misfortune, laid open to the public. Prince Napoleon has retired from the higher walks of active politics, and is writing his memoirs. Prince Victor has quarrelled with his father and fallen into contempt. Lastly, the Comte de Paris has been the most cruelly struck down of all. Three years ago, when he entered into the Boulangist conspiracy, along with the worst revolutionaries, Rochefort, Eudes, Vergsin and their crew, the Duc d'Aumale uttered the words which were immediately published: "I do not know whether this may be interest, but I know well that it is not honour." Where honour is absent, interest is not truly served. The Comte de Paris perceives this now.

Thus the movement of adhesion to the Republic is general. All the bye-elections are Republican. The reactionary candidates no longer care to call themselves Bonapartists or Royalists. On the clerical side, Cardinal Lavigerie has declared loudly for the