acceptance of the Republic by the clergy; and the letter of Cardinal Rampolla shows that the utterances of the Bishop of Algiers have been approved by the Pope. It would be impossible to overstate the importance of this movement among the clergy. The religious question furnished the Monarchical parties with their great cry against the Republic. If the Republican Government is strong enough and just enough, as I hope, to exercise a tolerant policy towards the clergy, without, however, giving up the military and school laws, religious peace will be made very shortly. Even the fashionable cliques are laying down their arms. The Figaro has hitherto been the principal organ of the fashionable world against the Republic; now the Figaro declares the Republic to be the only government possible in France. For anyone who knows the strength of social prejudices, such an evolution as this is very significant. Even the Académie itself that old fortress of Orleanism-is giving in its adhesion. The nomination of the Minister of War, M. de Freycinet, as the successor of Émile Augier has this primary significance. M. de Freycinet is a distinguished writer and speaker. But we must see things as they are; what the Académie elected was, above all, the representative of the Republican Government.

The season of the lean kine is over, and the season of the fat kine is beginning. Everything smiles on the Republic, which was never stronger than it is now. Let it know how to be wise, just, and moderate, and it may be considered as definitely established in France.

TH

JOSEPH REINACH.

'HE youthful Emperor stands forth as yet without a rival in the country. People live in breathless expectancy of his next surprise, of some new decis ion publicly announced, of this venerable institution assailed, or that truism of kingcraft illustrated. Last spring he reminded his people that just a century and a half ago Frederick the Great ascended the throne, a man of twenty-eight summers only. And again, on December 1st, another ancestor's anniversary was made the subject of a Royal celebra

tion, jointly for school children and for soldiers, who were told from his own mouth that Frederick William-he was the last of the Brandenburg Electors and has justly been surnamed “the Great ” Elector-found himself in 1640, or two hundred and fifty years ago, called upon, at the age of twenty, to govern a country devastated by all the scourges of a European war and on the brink of annihilation through a bad Government. "My ancestor," he explained to his hearers, "had nobody to lean upon. For the great statesman who had served his predecessor had laboured for his own personal ends, and the young sovereign was compelled to strike out a new path for himself." The readers of the NEW REVIEW may picture to themselves the expression on the countenances of some among his auditory, who wondered whether his Majesty meant to draw a parallel. This, of course, was not the case. For Schwarzenberg, whom the Elector summarily discharged in 1640, had been a thief and a traitor. Yet a simile was without a doubt occupying the Royal speaker's mind when he uttered those words. There had been cause enough for him, too, to take a new departure! And finally, towards the close of a truly eventful year, this school-ridden people is stirred to its very depths by the sudden publication of a Memorandum which the Emperor addressed to the Prussian Minister of Education eighteen months ago on reforms necessary in the higher schools of Prussia, and still more by the elaborate speech with which his Majesty opened a Conference of Prussian and other schoolmen, on December 4th. In this the much-vaunted excellence of our Latin schools (here called gymnasiums) is subjected to a mercilessly adverse criticism.

It was an assembly of notables. There sat Helmholtz, the great physicist ; there Virchow, first among medical professors; there the many-sided metaphysician Zeller, and a crowd of specialists in the art of teaching, one of whom, Dr. Hirzpeter, had been the tutor of the Emperor himself. The impression of the speech upon the public is that of a breeze in early spring. As long as a nation consists mainly of fathers and mothers, it is they who form public opinion. Now, among German parents most assuredly this conviction gains ground, that school reform has been a subject of platonic palaver too long, and that no administrative power can ever succeed

in pulling down the medieval fabric of our gymnasiums, against the will of specialists, who, in the matter of education, exert a despotic influence greater than in any other country. One person only is capable, people think, and he has spoken. What does he insist upon? First, a shortening of each day's work, both at school and at home, so as to leave time, and plenty of it, for games and athletics in the open air. Secondly, a diminution of numbers in each form. Thirdly, religious teaching directed towards ethical principles rather than to labours of memory. Fourthly, the national idiom to become, and Latin and Greek to cease to be, the principal channel of higher as well as lower tuition. In like manner, his Majesty thinks the study of ancient history should make room for a sound knowledge of political development in Germany, and of the institutions on which the country is based. Lastly, the former monopoly of Latin schools in opening a road to the privilege of serving one year in the army instead of three to be further modified in favour of middle-class, or "Real" schools. Well, these demands simply enchant German parents. They wink at, or even approve of, so lively an innovation as that of a sovereign speaking his mind at the commencement of a debate instead of waiting until its conclusions have been in due course laid before him. Of course, this approval does not blind them to the fact that the Emperor's programme remains incomplete, so long as the need of a strong grounding in mathematics and the elements of all branches of natural science is not included. They wonder at its failing to claim a place for English and French, each of which they consider quite as indispensable for mental athletics as for practical life. Finally, they remain convinced that the new system should reckon among its chief objects, whilst minimising grammatical obstruction, to increase the enjoyment of the undying masterpieces of Athens and of Rome.

The year 1890 closes with a fair prospect of peace. The new Chancellor's winning manners have helped to foster that pacific tendency of European politics which his great predecessor first established, and then forced people to believe in. Here, as everywhere, it is well known that the ranges of the Balkans and the mountains

of Armenia, to say nothing of other mountain ranges further East, are dangerous spots. We in particular feel somewhat surprised at the ease with which the Czar's Government can every day obtain popularity among most classes in Russia, by hostility to every non-Russian element within the frontiers. Nevertheless, the Czar's personal character inspires confidence in his ability to curb the turbulent clique which would fain hurry him on into extreme measures. It is to Caprivi's firm, yet gentle, attitude likewise, that we are indebted for the removal of misapprehension among the friends of colonial expansion in this country which might have produced an estrangement between us and our ancient ally, England. The delimitation between the English and German Protectorates in Africa had produced quite as much angry feeling in this country as among Englishmen. Latterly, however, a better understanding has begun to prevail on both sides, and the German East African Company, which was the chief complainant, has girt up its loins to proceed on the lines of a trading company within the enormous territory secured by Major Wissmann.

As regards English politics, a recent article in the best of German Reviews (the Deutsche Rundschau), by Major Wachs, gives a fresh proof that the public in this country views with increasing favour the firm and permanent establishment of British preponderance in Egypt. The article may be designated as a military study on the various strategic routes to India open to England. Its writer does not conceal his wish that Great Britain may never lose the firm hold she has won over the destinies of Egypt. The elevation of Luxemburg into a more visibly independent European State, under the ex-Duke of Nassau, creates no apprehension of international misunderstandings. The new Grand Duke and his promising heir-apparent will find their task easy, of preserving strict neutrality in the dealings of the Duchy with its powerful neighbours. With the German Empire no special bonds exist, unless we reckon as such the Teutonic idiom spoken in the Grand Duchy, and its Customs Union with Germany which the inhabitants cherish with good reason as a chief

cause of their material prosperity. Nobody can suppose that the rulers of this country could be so insane as to provoke war. As for the people, none probably ever was less prone to war than this most military of nations. Of a certainty, the words "military" and "warlike are not synonymous.

The first hour-and the last hour-of Bismarck's supremacy in this country! Few scenes more dramatic than these were, perhaps, ever enacted in the world's history. On September 24th, 1862 he stood before William I. to indicate the lines upon which he would govern the land; on March 20th, 1890, William II. dismissed him into private life. It is interesting to know what passed at the beginning and at the close of a Ministerial career of twenty-seven and a half years' duration and of world-embracing influence. Before that "first hour," Bismarck had passed through a startling Parliamentary and a well employed diplomatic apprenticeship, as Envoy, namely, to Frankfort, to St. Petersburg, and to Paris. Of this we know much-for he never was unwilling to admit the public into the adyta of his life. But outsiders had hitherto heard nothing regarding his accession to power. Quite lately, however, the curtain has been raised, in a publication which has failed to attract much attention. Outward proofs of authenticity, to be sure, are wanting, but I am inclined to believe that the account of that historic scene is as exact as the retentive memory of its sole survivor could conjure up. Bismarck had arrived at Berlin early that September morning. In the afternoon he repaired to Babelsberg, the King's little country house in the neighbourhood of Potsdam. His Majesty was seen walking in the Park worried and downcast. By way of friendly reception, he handed to his astonished visitor a document in his own handwriting which announced to the world his resolution to quit the throne he had ascended only twenty months before. "This should not, happen in Prussia,” remarked Bismarck. The King replied: "I have tried every way out of the present dilemma and there is none left but this. My Ministers are against me. My son takes their part. You too, Bismarck, have been to see him. If you and I do not agree to-day,