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years and good behavior. For himself, his mind was made up on this question. He was in favor of an independent Judiciary, to administer the laws of the Commonwealth. He was in favor of a Judiciary that would discharge its duties with perfect independence, and honesty, and justice; and Judges appointed for good behavior, he believed to be better calculated to administer the laws independently, than Judges appointed for any other term. But, notwithstanding he believed this, he did not come here to shut his eyes to the light of day. He did not come here so blind, that he could not see that which a child of three years old would discover, namely, that there was a decided majority of this body in favor of limiting the tenure of the Judiciary. Was he to stand up, then, in blind opposition to the majority, and say, that if you do get the reforms you desire, it shall cost the Commonwealth a quarter of a million of dollars? Was this what gentlemen desired him to do? Now, he was prepared to go for this proposition, submited by the gentleman from Beaver, not that he was pleased with the whole of it, because there were some things in it which he would like to shun: there were some of its provisions which he would be pleased to omit, but if he knew the sentiments of this boly at all, he knew there were twenty of a majority for limiting the tenure of the Judiciary, as he thought every member of this Convention must be convinced. He would, therefore, take the proposition as it stands, with all its objectionable features, and submit the matter to the people at the next election, for the purpose of avoiding the inconvenience and expense of re-assembling this Convention in the fall of the year. He supposed he would be again taken to task for mentioning this matter of expense, and have a lecture read to him, as has been read to other gentlemen, because they spoke the truth; and he supposed gentlemen would attempt to show who eaused this expense. He did not pretend to say who caused it, but if there were no other expenses incured than those desired by the conservatives in this Convention, they would be very small, indeed. They do not bring crude propositions before the body, but only take the liberty of answering such as are brought forward and advocated by other gentlemen. He did not stand here to charge any one with causing expense, but if we can now do all that can be done in the end, and save all the expense which will be incured by meeting again, why not do it? He knew, however, that it was in vain to argue this matter; while, on the one hand you find, not every reformer, but every reformer of a particular party, going for putting off this question until after the election; and, on the other hand, you find the magnanimous conservatives running their head, neck and shoulders into the very mouth of the lion. If this proposition of the gentleman from Beaver is rejected, we will be going on to decide upon the proposition of the gentleman from Fayette, which must be more objectionable to gentlemen than this one. He hoped, therefore, that this proposition of the gentleman from Beaver might be adopted, so that a termination might be put to our labors, and a vast sum of money saved to the Commonwealth.

Mr. PURVIANCE said, he rose to express his astonishment at the very singular proposition of the gentleman from Beaver, (Mr. DICKEY) and al so to enter his protest against the repeated, stale, and worn out story of Conventional expenses. At an early stage of the session, he had made repeated efforts to procure a conference of the friends of reform, for the

purpose of bringing before the Convention something which would meet with the approbation of a majority of members; and, if possible, have it presented to the people at the ensuing October election. He was surpri sed that, within three days of the adjournment, a proposition should have emanated from the gentleman from Beaver, (Mr. DICKEY) containing not even what had been passed upon by the committee of the whole, and that this should be done without any hope of obtaining a final vote, without first rescinding t' e resolution of adjournment. He had voted against the adjournment, and also in favor of prolonging the session, until the duties assigned by the Convention should be finally disposed of: but when, by a vote of eighty to forty, the question of adjournment had been settled, he was at a loss to know the reason for introducing so singular a prɔposition, with any hope of getting it through in three days. The propo sition of the gentleman from Beaver (Mr. DICKEY) is the same as that of fered by the gentleman from Adams. (Mr. STEVENS) a few days since, except that the former embraces a provisión in relation to Judicial tenure, which was not in that of the latter. Now, why was not something of this kind done at an earlier period? Why have gentlemen, who have consumed day after day, and week after week, in the discussion of amendments, never desired by the people, all at once, as if by magic, been brought to do what the honest friends of reform have been laboring assidously to obtain since the first day of our meeting? Who introduced exciting topics into this Convention, which consumed half the time of its session, and thereby, wasted the public time and money? The very gen-. tlemen who are now complaining most of expense, and who are now about to atone for the loss of time consequent upon their unnecessary discissions. One of those gentlemen .first introduced a proposition to limit the city and county representation to six members; and upon this, an excited, and I may add, a disreputable discussion ensued. Next a proposition is made, by the same gent'eman, against all banks, which was premature and uncalled for, and ocasioned great and unnecessary delay.— Next came, from the saine quarter, a proposition which went to disfran chise the members of the Convention; and this. like the others, produced a lengthy and extremely unple sant debate. From the same quarter, we next have a proposition to elect inspectors of flour, pork, laz retto physicians, &c., all done for the obvious purpose of consuming time, that an opportunity might be offered to follow it up by complaints of the daily expenses of the Convention. All the propositions refered to, originated with the gentleman from Adams, (Mr. STEVENS) and, in their discussion, who participated more than the gentleman from Beaver (Mr. DICKEY)? The answer to this last enquiry, will be found by an examination of the Journal of our proceelings, where the eye will meet with that gentleman's name on almost every page. After such great, and uncalled for, and inexcusable consumption of time by those two gentlemen, they com plain of the expenses, and spread estimates of the daily cost of this body. Sir, (said Mr. P.) I protest against any thing like trick or management, let it come from what quarter it may; and more particularly do I protest against these artifices, coming as they do from those who are unfriendly to reform, and designed as they are to influence and excite public opinion against the amendments which will be presented to the people. What (said Mr. P.) are the daily expenses of this body? Less by two hundred

dollars than those of the Legislature. What are our duties? Ten times more important than those of any Legislative body in the world. He (Mr. P.) would state for the information of the gentlemen from Adams, (Mr. STEVENS) from Beaver, (M. DICKEY) and Franklin, (Mr. DUNLOP) that this Convention had made one amendment, to wit: that of changing the time of meeting of the Legislature, which, of itself, would save to the people of Pennsylvania, annually, forty-five thousand dollars, and which, in ten years, would amount to nearly five hundred thousand dol ars. He coucluded by repeating that the proposition of the gentleman from Beaver was what he (Mr. P.) had been endeavoring, in the early stage of the Convention, to bring about, but was arrested in his intention, by the introduction of unnecessary propositions, in the discussion of which the gentlemen from Beaver, (Mr. DICKEY) and from Adams, (Mr. STEVENS) had largely participated; and intimated in reference to the gentleman from Beaver, (Mr. DICKEY) that a change had come over the spirit of his dreams, in consequence of the recent nomination of that gentleman for the Senate in Beaver county. He (Mr. P.) hoped that, in future, no gentleman would attempt to elevate himself at the expense of his fellow members, and that propositions would not, hereafter, be submited for the sake alone of seeking popularity.

Mr. HOPKINSON, of Philadelphia, exceedingly lamented that, at this stage of the session, when we were about to adjourn for some time, and perhaps some of us forever, that the subject had been brought here, and treated in such a way-in a manner strongly partaking of a personal character. There had been animated debates, going far into personal animosity, yet nothing had, as yet, occured, which had disturbed personal harmony. He trusted that a change a turn in the argument before us would take place, because the practice of impugning motives, and looking to the personal motives of gentleinen, must always excite retaliation. For his own part, he looked not to the motives of gentlemen-he looked to their arguments. He looked to them alone, and let them answer as to their motives. With regard to the proposition of the gentleman from Beaver, he was most decidedly opposed to it, and declared that if he stood alone here, he would never consent directly or indirecily to participate in destroying the independence of the Judiciary. Every member who voted for the amendment, did so, and must be silent before the people. The gentleman from the county of Philadelphia, had said to-day, or yesterday, that it was in vain to debate the matter-the sentence had gone forth-that we stood forth rather as executioners than Judges. That might be so, he had no idea of deciding the question. He confessed then, from the discussions which had taken place here, he had derived much light, and should go from here a wiser man than he was. The gentleman said that he had made up his mind upon it. He (Mr. H.) would say, that there was not a question which had came before the Convention, which was so little understood as the present. As to the Justices of the Peace, they saw them, and could judge of them. But, as to the principles of liberty, and the foundation upon which the Judiciary stood, he would say that there was no subject upon which the members of the Convention possessed so little information. Where, he would ask, were they to get it? They could not get it in the books it was, indeed, but a new subject in England-a subject about which very little had been written. And, in this country, little more

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would be found in reference to the independence of the Judiciary, and the principle of the Judges holding their offices during good behavior, than in the speeches of political arguments of public men. He had voted for rescinding the resolution for adjournment, in order to give us time; but the Convention had not thought proper to rescind the resolution. He conclu ded by saying, that he would vote against the amendment of the gentleman from Fayette, and also, against that of the gentleman from Beaver.

Mr. DICKEY, of Beaver, having been spoken of in the manner he had been, felt himself constrained to reply to the gentleman from Butler, or from Lancaster, to point to any part of his course which was inconsistent with the proposition he had now offered. He had come from a section of the country, which, on every occasion when the question had been presented to the people for the call of a Convention, voted for it by an overwhelming majority. He believed, that he understood what his constituents wished and desire, and he thought it was embraced in the proposition which he had submited. His opinion was, that his constituents wanted the time of the election fixed for the third Tuesday in October, and the Legislature to meet in January. His constituents were in favor of many other measures of reform, and he was, therefore, anxious to submit to them those propositions which had undergone the action of the committee, and would not probably be defeated on a second reading. Why should not the gentleman from Butler be willing that the people should pass upon those propositions which he himself was in favor of, and which he knew the people were in favor of, at the election in October next? This proposition contained nothing which the Convention had not acted upon, except the limitation to the amount of State debt, and the alteration of the tenure of the Judiciary.Upon those subjects, he did not wish to force a division without debate, and he, therefore, had offered a motion to rescind the resolution for adjournment. In a short time, they could be acted upon, and there was no good reason why the proposition should not be submited to the people in October.— Mr. D. went on to express his entire willingness, if gentlemen would assist him to get the resolution of adjournment rescinded, to sit here until the whole of the business which the people expected to have done, should he finished. There were some who were anxious to be at home previous to the elections; but if any of the insinuations about nominations were intended for him, they would fall to the ground, for although he had seen his name in the papers, he had not solicited any nomination. Reference had been made to the author of the amendment. It was a copy of the resolutions offered by the gentleman from Adams, which had been lying on the table for two weeks; and he was one of those who were not unwilling to take a good thing, because it came from that quarter. He was willing that the opportunity should be allowed to every gentleman for a full discussion of the resolutions, and for that purpose, he was willing to rescind the resolu tion of adjournment. He was willing to remain here until the business before the Convention was concluded, whether it was for four weeks, or four months. But he asked those who were bound to carry out the prin ciples of reform to go with him; and he believed it would then be possible to go through the whole in the course of a week. He believed the minds of the people were made up, and it was the duty of the Convention to carry out the views of the people.

Mr. HAYHURST moved to postpone the further consideration of the sub

ject, to enable the committee on accounts to make a report, and the committee having made their report,

The Convention adjourned.

TUESDAY, JULY 11, 1837.

Mr. COPE, of Philadelphia, presented a memorial from the Society of Friends, asking the Convention to insert in the Constitution, a provision exempting them from the payment of fines imposed for the non-performance of militia duty.

On resenting this memorial,

Mr. COPE said--I have not occupied much time in making speeches in the Convention, being rather desirous to improve by the wisdom of others, than to be heard myself, but the Convention will excuse me for submiting a few explanatory remarks on the present occasion.

I am not disposed to invite a discussion on the mooted question-whether war is allowable to the Christian--but this I can say in all sincerity, that the religious society, of which I am a member, do most conscientionsly believe, that war is inconsistent with the spirit of the Gospel.They cannot, therefore, bear arms.

The society of Friends originated in Great Britain, a short time antecedent to the Commonwealth, during a period of great civil, political and religious excitement, in which they suffered much for their principle, in property, in liberty, and in life. To escape from these scenes of tumult, and to enjoy those conscientious privileges which were denied to them in the country of their birth, WILLIAM PENN, and his associates, fled to the wilds of America. They were preceded by the Pilgrim fathers, who landed from the Mayflower, on the rock of Plymouth, and who, escaping from persecution, nevertheless, preserved the Government in their own hands down to the Revolution. Our forefathers, like theirs, also fled from persecution; but, they invited the perscented of all nations to seek protection under their mild sway, and to participate with them equally in the blessings of civil, political, and religious liberty. They arrived, and, in process of time, becoming the most numerous, they assumed the Government, and the reins fell from the hands of Friends.

But here permit me to remark, that, while in Massachusetts, peopled by the descendants of the Pilgrim fathers, it now is, and for half a century has been, sufficient for a Quaker to produce a certificate of membership, to exempt him from military services, and from all penalties for a noncompliance-in Pennsylvania, founded by the society on the most liberal principles, designed to secure to all the enjoyment of the rights of conscience, in the land of PENN, the Quaker has been deprived of his conscientious privileges. For many years the society suffered but little on account of their principles; but, the Revolutionary war at length broke out, and then commenced his sufferings. From that period to the present time, the members have had taken from them, property to the amount of Letween three and four hundred thousand dollars, and that from members

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