of the Philadelphia yearly meeting alone; and, there are at least seven other yearly meetings on this continent. What has been the amount of these exactions on them, I am not prepared to say, nor is it material here that I should. Can any one tell what portion of this large sum has reached the public treasury? Not a tithe-perhaps not the tithing of a tithe.

But it is alleged, that if the Quakers will not fight, they should pay an equivalent. Now, will any casuist here or elsewhere, tell me the difference between my shooting a man myself, and hiring another to shoot him? It is because Fr.ends cannot perceive this difference, that they seek relief at your hands.

But do not the members of the society render an equivalent? In the first place, they contribute equally with others to the public burthens.They pay their full share in support of the common poor, and the public schools they join others in works of charity and public utility. They have not spared their money, nor their personal services, in the erection of your hospitals, your libraries, the asylum for the deaf and dumb, for the blind. the orphans' asylum, widows' asylum, house of refuge, and other works of christian benevolence. Well then, besides these, they educate and support their own poor exclusively. Tell me, which of you has known a Quaker to knock at your door for charity? It would not be allowed the society would not permit it. To say nothing of their houses for worship and appendages scattered over town and country, and which may be valued at hundreds of thousands of dollars. I may mention the two institutions, lately established in the city, by the legacies of two individuals, for the relief of suffering humanity, costing upwards of three hundred thousand dollars. These institutions are not intended for the use of members of the society, but for persons of all other denominations— not that members have been excluded by the liberal donors, but because they are otherwise provided for.

I may next mention the asylum for the insane, established on a farm of seventy acres, near Frankford, which, with the buildings, cost seventy thousand dollars. This asylum is open to persons of all societies, and I ought, perhaps, in justice to the physicians and others who have the immediate supervision of it, to say, that no similar institution, within my knowledge, either in this or any other country, has been more successful in the cure of that dreadful malady, as the records of the asylum will fully prove.

Next is Westown school and farm of six hundred acres, situated about twenty miles from the city. The land was purchased low, and, with the buildings, cost between seventy and eighty thousand dollars. About two hundred children, of both sexes, receive here a good English education, and such as choose, may acquire a knowledge of the learned languages. Then we have Haverford school, on a farm of about two hundred acres, eight miles from Philadelphia, in which between seventy and eighty boys receive an education, believed to be equal to that taught in any of the best colleges in America. This school was chartered by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, with a capital of one hundred thousand dollars.

We now arrive at the city itself-there the society have about twenty schools, two or three of which are exclusively appropriated to the children of their own members-all the rest are open to persons of every denomi

nation. In these schools, from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty children are taught gratis, and the charge for others is kept purposely so low, as to enable citizens, in moderate circumstances, to educate their children without the appearance of receiving charity.

Now, I have not made this enumeration with ostentatious views, but simply for the purpose of saying, that while the society contribute equally with others in the common expenses, and while the Legislature of the State has appropriated large sums, and very properly so, to the endowment and support of colleges, and other useful institutions, from which the society receives no benefit, the public has not, in any shape or form, contributed one cent towards any of the institutions mentioned by me, nor a cent to the support or education of a single member of the society of friends--nor indeed have they ever asked it.

Have I not, then, made out my case? Have not the Quakers paid an ample equivalent for not mustering two or three times a year, to march through the streets for the amusement of our children? But, it is not merely the pecuniary exactions of which the society has reason to complain; it is the insulting-may I not say the brutal manner in which these fines are sometimes collected. I have. myself, known the blankets to be stript from the beds of children in a cold winter's night, while they were left to suffer, with no other covering than a linen sheet; and this not once or twice, but oft repeated, on the same family, and that, too, when woolen clothing was exceedingly de ir, and difficult to be procured.

I have little knowledge of the kind of persons employed to collect militia fines in the counties-in Philadelphia we have had some experience in these matters. An individual was there employed for many years, who rendere himself sufficiently notorious by his savage conduct. I will not wound the feelings of this House by a recital of many of his deeds: their recapitulation would employ hours. On or two instances, by way of sample, the Convention will excuse me for mentioning.

On one occasion, this man called at the house of a mechanic, on whom he had a small demand for a militia fine. The occupant of the house was from home. Perceiving an infant slumbering in a cradle, this hero threw it on the floor, and marched off triumphantly with the cradle and bedding. On another occasion, he called for a fine on a lad who had been born blind. While this lad was standing at his father's door, reasoning with the tax gatherer on the absurdity of the demand, he received, from the latter, repeated blows on the head from a bludgeon, administered with so much severity as to endanger his life. Now, be it known, that although this lad, from his imperfect vision, could neither read nor write, he possessed a cultivated mind, was amiable and interesting, had been delicately brought up, and was the son of one of our most respectable citiI will merely add, that I have no pleasure in these painful recitals, and will pursue the subject no further, as this miserable man was at length overtaken by the laws of kis country, and now is, or lately was, a convict in the Eastern Penitentiary of Pennsylvania.

zens.

Why, then, continue a system which produces no advantage to the public, but which is so offensive and oppressing to an unoffending people?

On motion of Mr. DARLINGTON, the memorial was then read, laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. MAGEE, of Perry, presented two memorials from the county of Perry, on the subject of Banks and Banking, which were refered to the approp iate committees.

Mr. COPE, from the committee of accounts, made a report, accompanied by a resolution, making a provision for the payment of officers, which, after some discussion, was agreed to.

Mr. DUNLOP, of Franklin, obtained leave to offer the following resolu

tion:

Resolved, That the Stenographers, one of the Assistant Secretaries, the Assistant Door" Kreper, and the Sergeant-at-Aims, be dispensed with at the next meeting of the Con vention.

Having been read a first and second time,

Mr. Fay moved that it be refered to the committee appointed to inquire into the expediency of making arrangements for discontinuing the Daily Chronicle and Convention Journal, and to inquire what other expenses, if any, of the Convention, ought to be curtailed.

Mr. DUNLOP, of Franklin, thought that the resolution involved no difficulty, and required but little exercise of the mind to comprehend and to decide upon it. With regard to the Sergeant-at-Arms, and Assistant Sergeant at-Arms, he could see no earthly service for them. He understood the office of Sergeant-at-Arms, to be of an executive character merely, and connected only with Legislative duty. This was the Parliamentary idea. He knew of no service that these officers could perform in a Convention like this. He would then ask, why we should be burdened with an unnecessary expense of this sort? And, as to the Clerks, we had certainly more than we had any cecasion for. In regard to the Stenographers, he would beg leave to refer the committee to the act of Assembly, and would ask them respectfully, whether we had not gone beyond the act of 1836. The eleventh section of that act says "The delegates to the said Convention shall be entitled to the same pay and mileage to which members of the General Assembly are now entitled, which, together with the pay of a competent Stenographer, to report the debates of the said Convention, shall be paid by the State Treasurer, on the warrant of the presiding ‹fficer of the Convention," &c. Now, instead of a competent Stenographer, we had four. And, even that number had found enonoh work to keep them busy from six in the morning, till six at night. When the Legisla ture authorized us to employ a competent Stenographer, they did not contemplate the probability of our holding two sessions a day, and making six thousand, eight hundred and eleven speeches. The debates, as far as they had gone, would, he had been informed, make nearly two thousand pages reyal octavo; and at the next session, we should make speeches enough to fill three or four volumes more. What was the use of this voluminous collection of speeches? Who would ever read them? For his own part, he did not think it worth while to put the State to the expense of publishing his speeches. He did not care whether they were heard of again.The great expense of those books, he thought, might as well be saved. The people would never look into them for information concerning our proceedings. We were now getting along very well. If gentlemen would only let the delegate from Beaver have his own way, he would make us a Constitution that would last forever, and there would be no necessity for spreading our debates before the public. His (Mr. D's) object was to cur

tail our expenses as much as possible. With regard to the officers named in the resolution, they were wholly unnecessary, and might be dispensed with without any inconvenience.

Mr. FRY observed, that if the resolution was not refered to the committee, according to his motion, he would move to amend it by substituting for it a provision for the discontinuance of the Daily Chronicle.

Mr. BROWN, of Philadelphia, said, that no doubt the committee which had been raised to ascertain what expenses could be curtailed, would take. the whole subject into their consideration, and if they did not go far enough, we could act accordingly.

Mr. STERIGERE, of Montgomery, thought the resolution would go more appropriately to the committee appointed to consider the propriety of discontinuing the Daily Chronicle.

The PRESIDENT said that it was refered to that committee.

Mr. STERIGERE remarked, that if it was the intention of gentlemen to dispense with the Chronicle, the necessity of continuing the Stenographers was increased. The debates should be published. He was astonished at what had been said by the gen leman from Franklin, (Mr. DUNLOP,) in reference to dispensing with the Senographers. Would the gentleman stop the publication of the debates, after having proceeded so far, and leave the rest unpublished.

Mr. DUNLOP here said, that he had no objection to refering the subject. to a committee.

Mr. HIESTER, of Lancaster, said it was a proper subject of inquiry, and he was in favor of the resolution. If it was before the Convention, he would move to amend it, by striking out "Stenographers." He declared that he should not be in favor of dispensing with the Stenographers. With regard to some other officers named in the resolution, he agreed with the mover, that we had no use for them. His opinion was, that the Sergeantat-Arnis might have been dispensed with. He coincided in all that had been said by the gentleman from Franklin, (Mr. DUNLOP,) in reference to the duties, and character of that officer. This body, unlike the Legisla ture, did not possess the power of compelling the attendance of its members here. If members chose to absent themselves, they were answerable to their constituents; we could not compel them to do their duty. Therefore, he conceived, there was no occasion whatever, for the services of that officer. His opinion, as regarded the Secretaries, was, that we had not duty enough for two and their two assistants. He thought this, then, a very fit subject of inquiry.

Mr. FORWARD, of Allegheny, asked when the committee on the expenses of the Convention would report? He expected that they would have reported before this.

Mr. FRY said, that the committee intended to report to-morrow. But, if they should not agree with him, he would report himself.

Mr. M'DOWELL said, he wished to say a word upon this subject: it was of very serious import, and he felt directly and deeply interested in it. The gentleman from Franklin, (Mr. DUNLOP) was the last man in the world whom he should suspect of cruelty towards his fellow man ; but he did deem his motion to cut off the stenographers from this Convention, an act of great unkindness towards those members, who had not yet made any or all of their speeches. Who would wish to deprive the world

use.

of the benefit, or ourselves the edification, of hereafter reading our speeches? Will not future generations be enlightened by them? And will you shut out that light for any paltry, economical consideration? It was not fair play in gentlemen who have made some hundreds of speeches, and after they had spun their yarns," to say stenographers were of no Sir, who would make a speech if it was not printed? Does not every body know, that most of the speeches made here, and which charm and delight us, are not made for this Convention at all? Are they not made for Bunkum? Why, all the boys in the country know what they are made for; they are for Franklin, for Adams, Bucks, Tioga, and many other little places that no body cares any thing about, except the people who live there. And shall we be told by the gentleman from Franklin, that it is of no use to print those speeches-especially after his were all delivered? The gentleman was greatly mistaken: he did not properly appreciate those that were yet to come. He thought the talent was exhausted; but no such thing. He said he cautioned members against the adoption of any such an idea. There were powers in this Convention that had not been heard of, that would yet surprise us, and he was afraid would alarm themselves. It must not be thought, because men said nothing, that they knew nothing-far from it. Wait until some chance circumstance shall knock up the slumbering fires of these quiet heads, and this Convention would be astonished! And shall not all these things be printed? Where is the use of delivering a speech here that is not intented for th's Convention, unless it is printed? How is it to get down to posterity? Sir, said he, every thing that is said and done, must be taken down and printed; we must have it to amuse our children and grand children with, and to show them what prodigious men their fathers and grandfathers were. It would be "a little book," where they could wonder at and admire their ancestors, when they "were dead and gone:" it would serve the purpose of a looking-glass, where posterity might learn from reflection to avoid the follies of those who had preceded them. Useful and wholesome lessons might be taught, by contrasting the speech of A, with the speech of B, and enjoining the youthful mind to avoid the one, and imitate the other. And are these speeches, fraught with so much good to the present and the coming generation, not to be printed? Sir, it is outrageous! When other republics grow up, and other States amend their Constitutions, is the glare of light which is shed in this Convention to be shut out from them? How were you to perpetuate the names and the fame of your SMILEYS, your FINLEYs, and M'KEANS, and the host of other illustrious men of this body, (he wished he could name them, but it was not parliamentary to do so he had them in his eye,) unless you did it through the stenographers and the press? Sir, when our Constitution is once amended, (and adopted by the people) it will not be touched again for one hundred years; and unless our speeches are printed, we shall be forgotten. Will not we be spoken of in the Convention that assembles in the next generation; as those great men have been spoken of in this body, who formed the present Constitution? Will not we then be the illustrious forefathers? And is such immortality to be thrown away for fear of a little expense?

He protested against the motion of the gentleman from Franklin, because it was unfair. If that gentleman and many others had made some