which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; [*] by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained,† and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite Nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity : -gilding with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infat uation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot.—How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence [I conjure you to] believe me, [fellow-citizens],‡ the jealousy of a free people ought to be [constantly]? awake, since history and experience prove that foreign + my friends ? incessantly * Istly + 2dly · influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government.—But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it.-Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.-Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations is, [in extending our commercial relations], to have with them as little Political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with [*] perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation.-Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by [t] artificial [ties] in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, [or] the ordinary com * circumspection indeed, but with + connection + an § in binations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course.-If we remain one People, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve [upon] * to be scrupulously respected.—When [t] belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will [not] lightly hazard the giving us provocation []; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest guided by [?] justice shall counsel.— Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground?-Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice?— 'T is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances [||] with any portion of the foreign world;— so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it-for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to [existing] ¶ engagements [(I hold the * to observe t neither of two to throw our weight into the opposite scale; & our ¶ pre-existing intimate connections 1 maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs] *, that honesty is [always] the best policy). -[I repeat it therefore let those engagements] † be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion unwise to extend it is unnecessary and would be them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectably defensive posture, we may safely trust to [temporary]‡ alliances for extraordinary emergencies.— Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors and preferences;-consulting the natural course of things;-diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing;-establishing with Powers so disposed-in order to give to trade a stable course, to define the rights of our Merchants and to enable the Government to support them-conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit; but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that 'tis folly in one nation *for I hold it to be as true in public as in private transactions, + occasional + those must to look for disinterested favors [from] * another,that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that characterthat by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more.-There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from Nation to Nation.-'T is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish,-that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of Nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit; some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism, this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.— How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public Records and other evidences * at |