CHAPTER VIII

NOMINATION AND ELECTION

WITH this native wisdom, the shrewdness of a trained politician, and the aid of the men in Illinois most adroit in such manipulation, Lincoln went to work to secure one of the prizes, the highest if possible. In America a presidential candidate usually gains by remaining in the background, and Lincoln found reason to declare himself unworthy of the chief office and unentitled to the vice-presidency, which was sought by other Illinois statesmen whom he did not wish to antagonize. All the time he was strengthening himself as much as he could, and watching events, to see just what steps should be taken as opportunity opened before him. He wrote letters, mostly short ones, to politicians in all parts of the country. The party leaders in the East had their own candidates for the presidency, but they thought much of Lincoln for second place, which would naturally go to the West. Under the adroit management of the Republican State Committee, who were preparing the ground all through 1859, the Illinois papers came out one

at a time, at considerable intervals, for Lincoln, as if by a natural growth of public opinion, culminating February 16, 1860, in the Chicago Tribune, whose editor was one of the leading workers of this scheme. The public opinion. really existed, but it was gathered together and intensified by party tactics. Lincoln himself wrote to a Western politician:

"As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring on the money basis first, because in the main it is wrong; and secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. in the main the use of money is I say wrong; but for certain objects in a political contest the use of same is both right and indispensable. With me, as with yourself, this long struggle has been one of great pecuniary loss. I now distinctly say this: If you shall be appointed a delegate to Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the trip." Herndon tells a number of stories about Lincoln's methods of conciliating newspaper men, which shows he was not squeamish in trifles.

The selection of Chicago by the Republicans was the first victory for the Illinois managers. Norman B. Judd, who led in the effort to bring the convention to Chicago, also saw to it that reduced railway fares were initiated, and that

there were other inducements to lure the citizens of Illinois to the seat of war. Lincoln had taken this position, expressed in a letter to Judd: "I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me not to be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some for me not to get the Illinois delegates." The first point was to fix Illinois, and the future would show what could be done when the various

states exchanged their views. Mr. Whitney, who was in Chicago for several days in March and April preceding the nomination, when Lincoln was trying the sand-bar case, went with him to a minstrel show at Metropolitan Hall, Chicago, where it was then thought the convention might be held.

"Possibly," said Whitney, "in a few weeks you will be nominated for the presidency right here."

"It is enough honor," said Lincoln, “for me to be talked about for it."

The Republican State Convention met at Decatur, May 9 and 10. The result had already been prepared, but it was to be called out in a manner that struck one of the most effective chords in the succeeding battle. The wigwam" was crowded, and Lincoln was seated on his heels in an aisle among the onlookers. Governor Oglesby, the presiding officer, sug

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gested that a distinguished citizen of Illinois who was present, and whom his fellow-citizens always delighted to honor, should have a seat on the platform. The crowd was so dense that Lincoln could not make his way, and he was seized and lifted over the spectators to the stand, with loud applause. Later, Oglesby mysteriously hinted that an old Democrat outside had something which he wished to present to the convention. It was voted that this something should be received. The door was opened, to admit John Hanks, the rustic cousin of Lincoln, who had been chosen and coached for this particular demonstration. He marched into the assembly, bearing two small triangular rails and a banner, on which were these words, which were associated not remotely with victory in

the fall:

"ABRAHAM LINCOLN

THE RAIL CANDIDATE

FOR PRESIDENT IN 1860

Two rails from a lot of 3000 made in 1830 by Thos. Hanks and Abe Lincoln-whose father was the first pioneer of Macon County."

Lincoln, after the immense tumult had subsided, in his half embarrassed and half easy way, stood up on the platform and responded: "I suppose I am expected to reply to that. I cannot say whether

I made those rails or not, but I am quite sure I have made a great many just as good."

The convention resolved that Lincoln was its first choice, and instructed delegates to give the vote of the state as a unit. They were really almost unanimous by this time, and a little more work by the leaders made them so. About the National Convention Lincoln said, "I am a little too much of a candidate to go, and not quite enough of a candidate to stay away; but upon the whole I believe I will not go."

When the Republicans met in Chicago just a week later, May 16, they found a complicated situation. It was their second national convention. Fremont, who was nominated by them at Philadelphia in 1856, had been defeated by the slave states, except Maryland, aided by Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and California. Illinois had always been Democratic. In 1836 Ohio and Indiana went for Harrison, but Illinois did not enter the Whig ranks. In 1840 Illinois was the only free state except New Hampshire to go Democratic. In 1844 she increased her majority. She never," says Horace Greeley, “cast an electoral vote for any other than the Democratic nominee till she cast all she had for her own Lincoln." Now it was Lincoln who had shown in the Senatorial fight with Douglas that Illinois might be rescued for the Republicans. The