September 15. Expeditionary force under Butler starts north. October 6. Marines complete campaign by the capture of Leon, last revolutionary stronghold; 4 marines, 3,000 (estimated) Nicaraguans killed in course of campaign. November 2. With American marines guarding the polls, Diaz is unanimously reelected for four-year term. November 4. New $500,000 loan by bankers, secured by American collection of tobacco and liquor taxes, and option for purchase by bankers of remaining 49 per cent of railroad stock. November 14. Admiral Southerland, Major Butler, and bulk of United States expeditionary force leave Nicaragua. December 13. All marines except 100 men at capital and a ship at Corinto recommended withdrawn. 1913 October 8. Bankers buy majority stock of railroad for $1,000,000 and of bank for $153,000 and make $1,000,000 loan; of this $2,153,000 all but $772,000 is held to repay previous loans. November. Chamorro is unanimously elected to succeed Diaz. 1916 February 18. Bryan-Chamorro treaty signed; United States pays $3,000,000 for right to build canal across Nicaragua, and for 99-year lease of naval bases on Nicaraguan territory. Money is used to repay American creditors of Nicaragua. (Costa Rica and Salvador protested that this treaty violated their treaty rights, and appealed to the Central American Court of Justice, which ruled that the treaty was invalid. Nicaragua encouraged by United States, refused to accept the verdict; and in 1918, accordingly, the court dissolved.) 1924 July 12. Nicaragua pays off last of her debts to Brown Brothers and J. and W. Seligman and Company. Railway and National Bank are returned to Nicaragua, although Americans are retained as members of directorates. October. First free elections in Nicaragua history held under new election law. Carlos Solorzano, Liberal, defeats Emiliano Chamorro two to one for presidency; Juan Sacasa is elected vice-president. 1925 August 3. American marines are withdrawn from Nicaragua, leaving native constabulary in charge of American officer. October 25. Chamorro and Diaz seize power by coup d'etat. 1926 January 16. Chamorro, after expelling opposition members of assembly, has assembly elect him president. Solorzano is forced to resign, Sacasa to flee. January 22. State Department refuses to recognize Chamorro because he gained office by use of force. Early May. Liberal revolution to reinstate constitutional régime begins. October 30. Chamorro, discouraged by State Department hostility, resigns. November 10. Adolfo Diaz elected president by Chamorro's assembly. November 15. Diaz asks for American aid and support. November 17. State Department recognizes Diaz. November 18. New loan agreement negotiated by Diaz with New York bankers. December 7. Mexico recognizes Sacasa as constitutional president of Nicaragua. December 24. Admiral Latimer lands troops at Bluefields. December 25. Sacasa is ordered to disarm or get out. ABANDON ARMED INTERVENTION" The use of armed force by governments to protect the lives and property of their citizens in other lands has been a frequent source of hostility and war. It is a favorite device of imperialistic nations. Again and again the great powers have prolonged for decades or made permanent what purported to be a temporary occupation. Many of the most bitter quarrels of the past half century centered in questions of this character. What is the present policy of the United States with regard to safeguarding the interests of our citizens in other lands? The answer is found in several recent addresses by President Coolidge. In his message to Congress on January 10th, the President said: "It has always been and remains the policy of the United States in such circumstances to take the steps that may be necessary for the preservation and protection of the lives, the property, and the interests of its citizens and of this government itself. In this respect I propose to follow the path of my predecessors. Consequently I have deemed it my duty to use the powers committed to me to insure the adequate protection of all American interests in Nicaragua, whether they be endangered by internal strife or by outside interference in the affairs of the republic." In an address on April 25th, 1927, the President said: "The person and property of a citizen are a part of the general domain of the nation, even when abroad." Recently Secretary Wilbur said: "To defend America we must be prepared to defend its interests and our flag in every corner of the globe. . . An American child crying on the banks of the Yangtse a thousand miles from the coast can summon the ships of the American 7 By Kirby Page. Dollars and World Peace. p. 53-9. navy up that river to protect it from unjust assault." On another occasion the Secretary of the Navy said: "Our trade routes as well as our international trade, are essential parts of our national life. We are committed to the protection of this traffic upon the high seas.” 9 According to our present policy, our responsibilities are even more extensive. The prevailing interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine places upon us the obligation to safeguard the lives and property of Europeans in Latin America. Since we will not allow European powers to use armed force in those countries, we must ourselves give them protection, so runs the argument. "Toward the governments of countries which we have recognized this side of the Panama Canal," says President Coolidge, "we feel a moral responsibility that does not attach to other nations.” It is highly important that we recognize the drastic change in meaning which has been given to the Monroe Doctrine in recent years. The phrase is now used with extreme looseness. Our participation in the World war was justified in an official document of the government on the ground that "a new Monroe Doctrine must be defended on the pathways of the seas and in the fields of Flanders if the western world is to be preserved. as the citadel of a free-developing, forward-looking democracy." In its original form it laid down two principles: The American continents "are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers"; and, second, we will regard any attempt to establish the monarchial system of government on “this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere." These are the words of President Monroe. No further 8 Before Connecticut Chamber of Commerce, May 7, 1925. colonization and no monarchies, this was the original meaning of the famous doctrine. No objection was raised to temporary intervention in Latin America by European powers to safeguard their interests. On June 21st, 1862, Secretary Seward said: "France has a right to make war against Mexico, and to determine for herself the cause. We have a right and interest to insist that France shall not improve the war she makes to raise up in Mexico an anti-republican and anti-American government." 10 In an interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine in 1895, Secretary Olney said: "It does not establish any general protectorate by the United States over other American states. It does not relieve any American state from its obligation as fixed by international law, nor prevent any European power directly interested from enforcing such obligations or from inflicting punishment for the breach of them. It does not contemplate any interference in the internal affairs of any American state or in the relations between it and other American states. It does not justify any attempt on our part to change the established form of government or to prevent the people of such state from altering that form according to their own will and pleasure. The rule in question has but a single purpose and object. It is that no European power or combination of European powers shall forcibly deprive an American state of the right and power of self-government and of shaping for itself its own political fortunes and destinies." 11 During the Venezuelan crisis, President Roosevelt said: "We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of territory by any non-American power. . . No independent nation in America need have the slightest fear of aggression from 10 J. H. Latané. 11 J. H. Latané. American Foreign Policy. p. 404. |