Navy attacked the insurgents' steamship Caroline near the American shore of the Niagara River, a sharp protest was filed by the United States government and for a few days war seemed imminent.26 During the fourth decade of last century we had a serious controversy with England concerning our northern boundary. The slogan of the pro-war party in the United States was "Fifty-Four Forty or Fight," in spite of the fact that, in the words of Professor Latané, "no one had ever seriously maintained that the United States had a valid claim to the whole territory." In 1866 armed bodies of Irishmen from New York undertook the invasion of Canada but were repulsed by Canadian volunteers. The Government of the United States also took prompt measures against the invaders.28 In 1871 Secretary Seward issued an ultimatum demanding that Great Britain withdraw entirely from Canada. "To make the settlement complete," he said, "the withdrawal should be from this hemisphere, including provinces and islands."

"27

"29

Time and again various officials of the United States government have advocated the annexation of Mexico. As early as 1825 Secretary Clay sought to purchase Texas from Mexico. A few years later Butler, American Minister in Mexico, advised President Jackson to seize the coveted territory by force.30 In 1842 Commodore Jones, on hearing a rumor that war had broken out, seized Monterey Bay and temporarily hoisted the Stars and Stripes.31 In spite of the enormous territory secured by the United States as a result of the Mexican war, many of our citizens were sorely disappointed. Bancroft thought that we should "rescue a large part of Mexico" by annexing it, while Cass urged the policy of rescuing the whole by this means. 32 Secretary Seward was the arch-advocate

26 Latané.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid.

p. 201-7.

p. 231.

p. 433-4.

29 Ibid. p. 448.

30 Beard, Rise of American Civilization. v. 1, p. 591.

31 Ibid.

32 Latané.

P. 603.

p. 279.

of territorial expansion. As early as 1846 he said: "Our population is destined to roll its resistless waves to the icy barriers of the North, and to encounter oriental civilization on the shores of the Pacific." Fourteen years later he elaborated this idea, as follows: "I can look southwest and see amid all the convulsions that are breaking the Spanish-American republics, and in their rapid decay and dissolution, the preparatory stage for their reorganization in free, equal and self-governing members of the United States of America." He went further and predicted that the City of Mexico would be "the ultimate central seat of power of the North American people."

MILITARY INTERVENTION

In 1914 a serious dispute with Mexico occurred. When Huerta failed to salute our flag by way of reparation for an alleged insult, President Wilson ordered the bombardment of Vera Cruz. The American forces captured that city and retained control for seven months.** At the end of 1916 a punitive expedition was sent into Mexico in the effort to capture the bandit Villa. The net result of this expedition was the expenditure of 130 million dollars and the irritation of all Latin America. For several years our government has been engaged in a continuous controversy with the Mexican government. Secretary Fall is not the only prominent official who has urged that we "go down and clean up Mexico."

Cuba, likewise, has been looked upon with covetous eyes by many of our statesmen. In his instructions to our new minister to the Court of Madrid in 1823, John Quincy Adams said: "In looking forward to the probable course of events for the short period of half a century, it seems scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the annexation of Cuba to our federal republic will be indis33 Latané. p. 418.

34 Nearing and Freeman, Dollar Diplomacy. p. 100-8.

pensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself." 35 Professor Latané says that following the Mexican war "our foreign policy assumed a much bolder and more aggressive character, and during the next fifteen years all manner of schemes for the southward extensions of our territory were suggested and many of them actually undertaken." Numerous attempts were made to annex Cuba to the United States, "both by purchase from Spain and forcibly by filibustering expeditions." 36 In 1854 our ministers to Madrid, Paris and London made the joint recommendation to our State Department that an offer of 120 million dollars be made to Spain for Cuba and expressed the opinion that if the offer should be refused, "we shall be justified in wresting it from Spain if we possess the power." 37

Following the Spanish-American war our troops occupied Cuba until May 20, 1902. Before we withdrew Cuba was compelled to accept the so-called Platt amendment, which gives us the right to intervene whenever we think it necessary, "for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property and individual liberty.” 38 Under this provision we have intervened on three occasions. We have also retained a permanent naval base at Guantanamo.

Many efforts have also been made by the United States to secure permanent control of Santo Domingo and Haiti. In his message to Congress in 1868, President Johnson advocated the annexation of Santo Domingo and a joint resolution was introduced in the House but failed to pass.39 President Grant also urged this procedure in his message of 1870. He actually negotiated a treaty of annexation with a puppet-president of that

35 Latané. p. 287.

36 Ibid. p. 291.

37 Ibid. p. 303.

38 Ibid. p. 498-516.

39 Ibid. p. 419.

country, but it was rejected by the Senate. In his message of 1876 President Grant lamented the failure of his Santo Domingo policy because "the soil would soon have fallen into the hands of the United States capitalists." 40 In 1916 the United States landed troops in Santo Domingo and set up a military government which lasted until 1924. For eight years that country was ruled by officers of the United States Navy. Even at present the general receiver of the Dominican customs is an American citizen appointed by the President of the United States.

In 1915 American marines were landed in Haiti for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of our citizens. In putting down the "insurrection" more than two thousand Haitians were killed by our forces.12 Since that time the marines have controlled the government of that country. "American approval is needed," says Professor Paul H. Douglas, "for the enactment of laws, the revenues of the country are collected under the supervision of Americans, and the budget is drawn up by the American financial adviser. . . The control over the gendarmerie is in American hands, as are also the services of health and public works, and agriculture. Only justice and education are outside American control.” 43 There has not been a meeting of the Haitian Congress for nearly a decade. An official of the Department of State confessed recently that "the American occupation of Haiti is one for which there is no strictly legal ground.” “4

In referring to Haiti in a campaign speech at Marion in August, 1920, Mr. Harding said: "If I should be elected president . . . I will not empower an Assistant

40 Beard. v. 2, p. 352.

41 For an authoritative history of our occupation of Haiti see two articles by Professor Paul H. Douglas, Political Science Quarterly, June and September, 1927. p. 228-58; 368-96.

42 U. S. Senate. Haiti and Santo Domingo Select Committee, Hearings. v. 1, p. 433, 434. p. 33.

43 Occupied Haiti.

44 Sumner Welles. The Atlantic Monthly, September, 1924, p. 420. For a defense of our occupation see The American Journal of Sociology, November, 1926, p. 353-66.

Secretary of the Navy to draft a constitution for helpless neighbors in the West Indies and jam it down their throats at the points of bayonets borne by United States marines, nor will I misuse the power of the executive to cover with a veil of secrecy repeated acts of unwarranted interference in the domestic affairs of the little republics of the western hemisphere, such as in the last few years have not only made enemies of those who should be our friends, but have rightfully discredited our country as their trusted neighbor." 45

46

Since 1912 the United States marines have controlled the government of Nicaragua, except for a brief period. In 1916 the Senate ratified a treaty with the Nicaraguan government, which at that time was under our control, giving us the right to construct a canal across that country. After an occupation lasting thirteen years, the marines were withdrawn in August, 1925. Within two months Chamorro, a defeated presidential candidate, staged a revolution and forced the president, Solorzano, and the vice-president, Sacasa, to leave the country. When Chamorro failed to secure recognition from the United States and other powers, he turned the executive office over to Uriza, one of his followers, who in turn called a meeting of the Assembly. This body elected Adolfo Díaz, a supporter of Chamorro, as president. Within three days Díaz was recognized by the United States. In November, 1926, Sacasa returned to Nicaragua and attempted to regain the office of which he claimed he had been illegally deprived. On December 23, Admiral Latimer, of the United States Navy, landed a force of bluejackets and later heavy reinforcements were rushed to the scene. In May, 1927, Colonel Henry L. Stimson, the personal representative of President Coolidge, issued an ultimatum to the effect that unless the Liberals, the fol

45 New York Times. August 31, 1920, p. 12.

46 For a history of our occupation, see Nearing and Freeman, Dollar Diplomacy. p. 151-71.