the county, unexpectedly declared himself a candidate, and went round to all the Romish chapels, soliciting the votes of the romanists in the county, and promising, if elected, to support all their pretensions in parliament. On this occasion the Romish tenants of the gentleman who gave me the information, made freeholders by himself, universally deserted him, and promised their votes to the new candidate; and the Romish priests through the county so effectually bestirred themselves with their votaries in support of the new candidate, that my friend and his colleague were obliged to give a large sum of money to this adventurer to induce him to abandon the canvass, and thereby to save themselves from the fatigue and expense of a contested election. Certain it is, that the whole body of the Romish peasantry, who by the folly and credulity of their landlords have been made freeholders since the year 1793, will desert their interest on every election, when told by their priests that it is for the interest of their religion that they should do so. In the last Irish rebellion, the popish peasantry pursued their landlords (most of them very indulgent to their tenants, and from their attachment to romanists entitled men of liberality) with the utmost fury and rancour, massacreing them and their families without mercy, when they fell into their hands. Such has been the frenzy of the protestant landlords of Ireland, and their ambition of surpassing each other in county interest, that they have made almost the whole mass of the popish peasantry forty-shilling freeholders since the year 1793; so that the Romish freeholders of that description exceed in number the protestant freeholders of every description, throughout three parts in four of Ireland: and if this measure shall take effect, romanists will be returned members of parliament for most of the counties at large, counties of towns, and pot-wallopping boroughs throughout Ireland: and the principle of representation in the British constitution, that property should be the basis of representation, will be completely reversed in Ireland, and the basis there will be numbers, not property.-- But even in respect of property, the influence of popery will be daily advancing in Ireland, because, in a commercial country, land is as often at market, and changes hands, as personal property; and landed as well as personal property will, in a slow but certain progression, creep to that class of the population which is the most numerous. From the foregoing observations it is a just conclusion, that in a very short time, if this measure is effected, eighty at least out of the hundred Irish representatives will be romanists; and it is fair to conjecture, that twenty or more romanists will obtain seats in the imperial commons for English boroughs, as the whole Romish faction throughout the empire will exert their powers to strengthen their party in parliament; and some Romish peers will sit in the upper house. The romanists will certainly act in parliament as one body; their union, cemented by religious principle, and the interest of their sect, will smother every seed of dissension among them all allurements of individual interest will fail of effect, when put in competition with the interests of their religion; their bigotry will bind them together in adamantine bonds; and what their conduct in the supreme legislative council of the empire will be, it is not hard to divine.— The first measure they will unanimously propose, and with unremitting efforts pursue and support, will be the repeal of so much of the Irish act of 1793, conferring on them the elective franchise, as continues the disability of romanists without taking the oaths, to fill about thirty or forty of the great offices of the state, in the departments of which is lodged the executive power of the government. By the incessant intrigues in Ireland of the English ministry, the test and corporation acts had been repealed in that part of the empire previous to the union, with the exception of the above-mentioned great offices of the state: these are the offices of lord lieutenant, of lord chancellor, of the twelve judges, of the commander in chief of the army, of the king's counsel, of sheriffs, and a few others. If the minister of the day, at a future critical period, should oppose, or decline to support such a measure, the whole corps will immediately join the opposition; and the opposition, to secure the assistance of such numerous auxiliaries, will heartily fraternize with them. In many cases of national distress and difficulty, the ablest minister, though adverse to their claims, will be unable to stem the torrent; and the part of the test and corporation acts, yet in force in Ireland, will not survive the admission of romanists into parliament for many sessions. When the capability of romanists of filling these great offices in Ireland is once established, will it be practicable to exclude them from occupying them? Certainly it will not. Their dissatisfaction at such exclusion would be greater than at their former disqualification. The great majority of the Irish representatives in the imperial parliament being romanists, aided by the English romanists, and indissolubly connected, would : wring from the minister the whole civil pa- | the one-fifth, without having any exclusive tronage in Ireland, and secure all the offices privilege even in this one-fitth. If the mithere for their own sect: in fact, the civil nister of the day stood in need of their ssistestablishment in Ireland would become com- ance in parliament, as he often would, he pletely Romish.-Would the Romish repre- must listen to such complaints, and listen sentatives in parliament then be contented? with attention and favour: circumstances Would their clergy in Ireland, and the mass might compel him to join them in their of their persuasion, acquiesce without mur- efforts to repeal the test and corporation mur in the enjoyment of the ecclesiastical acts; and if he should determine to support revenues in lands and tithes by the protés- these remaining bulwarks of the constitution, tant clergy? Would they not immediately they would join the whole herd of republigrasp at them? If the whole executive pow- cans, who have so often reprobated these er of the state there be committed to ro- statutes, and attempted their repeal. Two manists; if the lord lieutenant, the lord attempts of this nature, one in 1789, the chancellor, the judges, sheriffs, and all the other in 1790, must be in the recollection of administrators of the law in that nation many members of this house it required should be romanists; who would warrant all the abilities of the able minister, who at the enjoyment of the ecclesiastical revenues that time principally conducted the business there to the protestant clergy, or maintain of the nation, to defeat them. If the party their possession of them? The minister him- which made these attempts shall be reinself would not be able to secure the laws en- forced by above one hundred members, steady titling the protestant clergy to these emolu- and determined in their hostility to these ments from alteration and repeal, if the great two statutes, who can answer for their conbody of the Irish representation in parlia- tinuance as part of the law of the empire for ment demanded such a sacrifice, which it any length of time? They will undoubtwould not fail to do. The utter subversion edly yield to the incessant mining and conin Ireland of the church establishment would tinued assaults of a determined, vigilant, follow on the heels of the subversion of the and insidious enemy, constantly recruited by civil, and Ireland would immediately be- the venomous offspring of infidelity, recome a popish country.-But would the am-publicanism, and jacobinism: the constitubition of the Romish faction in the imperial tion, in church and state, will infallibly parliament stop here? Certainly it would sink under the combined pressure of such a not. The tenets of popery enjoin con- chaotic mass of desolating innovation.-The tinual exertions for its propagation, support, attempt to obtrude this measure on the naand aggrandizement; and every romanist tion, is, in fact, but the rehearsal of the would beside have the additional spur of par- first act of the Gallic tragedy on the British Sicular interest and ambition, to stimulate stage. The introduction of members of all han to further exertions on behalf of the sects into the Gallic national assembly was sect The test and corporation acts, being followed immediately by the subversion, or in fill force in England, would oppose effec- rather extinction, of their national religion; tri barriers against the attainment of offices and that by the complete subversion of their.. of profit and power in England by romanists. government, and the substitution of the most They would observe, that Scotchmen, by the barbarous despotism which ever ravaged and weight of Scottish representation in the im- deformed any region of the civilized world. perial parliament, much lighter than that of Principiis obsta: let us firmly resist all apIrish and Romish representation, had obtain-proaches of the ferocious monster, Gallic ed such offices in England, though they had anarchy !-Britons, it is necessary to call almost engrossed all places of emolument or to your recollection, and set before your power in Scotland: they would also observe, eyes, the statutes, the repeal of which that British and Irish protestants were capa- must precede, or inevitably follow, the ble of enjoying offices in Ireland; but that adoption of this measure; because such British and Irish romanists were excluded display will convince you, that this measure from all offices of emolument or power in and its consequences directly tend to the England by the test and corporation acts: complete subversion of your constitution, they would then loudly complain of this in- which has been improving from the comequality of condition with their fellow-citi-mencement of the reign of the glorious zens in the British empire, and state that Elizabeth, till its attainment of its present they were excluded from such offices in four- unrivalled excellence! under which you and fifth parts of the British empire, and admit-your ancestors for two centuries have lived ted only to the full privileges of citizens in and flourished; and which has descended as VOL. IV. 3 M : for the unalterable security of their respective church establishments, are recited: that of England being for effectually and unalterably securing the true protestant religion, professed and established by law in the church of England, and the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government thereof. The English acts of uniformity of Elizabeth and Charles II. and all other acts then in force (among the rest, the thirtieth of Charles II. before-mentioned), for the preservation of the church of England are de an inheritance, during that period, in succession from father to son! The statute of the first of Elizabeth, enacting that all public officers shall take the oath of supremacy: that of the first of William and Mary, or the bill of rights, new-modelling the oath of supremacy, and extending the sphere of administration of that oath the acts of the thirtieth of Charles II. ch. 2, and the first of George I. ch. 13, enacting, that no memher shall sit or vote in either house of parment, till he hath, in the presence of the house, taken the oaths of allegiance, su-clared perpetual: and it is enacted, that premacy, and abjuration, and repeated and every subsequent king and queen shall take subscribed the declaration: the act of the an oath inviolably to maintain the same thirteenth of Charles II. called the test act within England, Ireland, Wales, and the requiring all public officers to take the town of Berwick upon Tweed. And it is above oaths, repeat and subscribe the de- further enacted, that these two acts shall claration, and receive the sacrament of the for ever be observed as fundamental and Lord's Supper according to the usage of essential conditions of the union. On the church of England: and the act of the these conditions of the treaty of union twenty-fifth of Charles II. ch. 2, called the judge Blackstone makes these observations : corporation act, incapacitating all persons "that whatever else may be deemed fundafrom being elected officers of any city or mental and essential conditions, the presercorporation, without their having within a vation of the two churches of England and twelvemonth previous to their election, re- Scotland, in the same state they were in at ceived the Sacrament of the Lord's Sup- the time of the union, is expressly declared per according to the usage of the church of so to be; and that therefore any alterations England; and also requiring them to take in the constitutions of either of these churches, the above-mentioned oaths-all these acts would be an infringement of these fundamust be repealed! all the fortifications, mental and essential conditions." The fifth erected for the safety and preservation of article of the union of Great-Britain and our constitution in church and state for two Ireland is in the following terms: “ that it centuries must be levelled with the dust.- be the fifth article of union, that the churches Judge Blackstone, an able and constitutional of England and Ireland, as now by law establawyer of modern days, states, that the acts lished, be united into one protestant episof Charles II. and George I. requiring all copal church, to be called the United Church members of both: houses to take the oaths, of England and Ireland; and that the docand repeat and subscribe the declaration, trine, worship, discipline, and government were enacted, to prevent crude innovations of the said united church shall be and shall in religion and government. The test and remain in full force for ever, as the same corporation acts he styles the bulwarks of the are now by law established for the church of constitution, and states, that they were England; and that the continuance and enacted to secure the established church preservation of the said united church, as against perils from- non-conformists of all the established church of England and Iredenominations, among whom he particularly land, shall be deemed and taken to be an esenumerates papists. (See Blackstone's Com-sential and fundamental part of the union : mentaries, vol. i. p. 158, and vol. iv. p. 57, and that in like manner the doctrine, wor8vo. edit.) It is now time to advert to the conditions of union between England and Scotland, and between Great Britain and Ireland, which relate to the church establishment; and to enquire whether the present measure can be be adopted consistently with the obligation of these conditions, and the preservation of the public faith.-In the act of union of England and Scotland, the fifth of Ann, ch. 8, two acts of the respective parliaments of England and Scotland, ship, discipline, and government of the church of Scotland shall remain, and be preserved, as the same are now established by law, and by the act of the union of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland."It is clear that every measure tending to the breach of these fundamental and essential conditions of the two unions ought to be rejected by this house with indignation: the very proposal of such a measure to this house is an insult to it; as it must be found ed on the presumption, that this house is ments therein-recited, shall be perpetual;" capable of violating the public faith reci- and in both of these recited acts, an addiprocally plighted by the nations composing tion is made to the coronation oath; and it the British empire to each other, on their is enacted," that the succeeding kings of consolidation into one body. If this mea- Great-Britain shall, at their coronations, sure should be adopted, the act of the 30th swear to maintain and preserve inviolably of Charles II. requiring all members of both the settlement of the church of England, houses to take the oath of supremacy, and as specified in that statute, for the unalterrepeat and subscribe the declaration, will be able security of the church of England, and repealed by its adoption, as well as the bill the doctrine, worship, discipline, and goof rights and the test and corporation acts: vernment thereof, as in that act specified, these are made perpetual by the conditions within the kingdoms of England and Ireof the union of England and Scotland, being land, the dominion of Wales, and the town enacted for the preservation and continuance of Berwick upon Tweed, and the territories of the church of England; and, as Judge thereunto belonging." A similar oath is Blackstone expresses it, for the prevention prescribed to be taken at the coronation by of crude innovations in religion and govern- all succeeding kings, for the inviolable prement. Exclusive of this direct breach of servation of the then established religion in the conditions of the union, it is already Scotland. The coronation oath not only shewn, that the whole tendency of the mea- binds the king to refuse his assent to any sure, and its notorious consequencss, are, alteration in the religions of England, Irethe subversion of the established church in land, and Scotland, as they were establishGreat-Britain and Ireland, in violation of ed at the time of the union of England and the public faith plighted on the completion Scotland, but he is equally bound to refuse of two incorporating unions; the introduc- his assent to any measure, directly tending tion of infidelity and atheism, by the an- to the subversion of the roligion then estabnihilation of all the bonds of society spring-lished; and also to discountenance, as far ing from an established religion: and the consequent introduction of anarchy and democracy - the true reason (however disguised under the mask of liberality) why this desolating, faithless, Gallic measure has met the approbation, and acquired the patronage and support of all the jacobins in the British empire.-It is some consolation to reflect that the subjects of this empire, attached to the constitution, have yet one barrier left to resist that inundation of impiety, democracy, and barbarity, with which this measure is calculated to overwhelm it: that is, his majesty's coronation oath; a barrier, I am convinced, sufficient to defend us, during the precious life at least, of the pious and conscientious prince who now sways the British sceptre; a barrier raised by the wisdom, piety, and patriotism of our forefathers.The oath enjoined by the statute of the first of William and Mary, to be taken by the king at his coronation, has the following clause: "I will to the utmost of my power maintain the laws of God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the protestant reformed religion established by law." By the act of Anne ratifying the union of England and Scotland, as is already stated, it is enacted, "that two acts of the respective parliaments of England and Scotland, for the unalterable security of their respective church establish as in him lies, all attempts of that nature. The patrons of this measure, sensible of this impediment, have not been wanting in their endeavours, by sophistical arguments, casuistical. distinctions, misrepre sentations of some facts, suppression of others, and suggestion of falsehoods, in pamphlets and newspapers, to sap the foundation of this barrier, which they were unable to surmount. One pamphlet of this nature deserves particular notice, inasmuch as it is an epitome of all the arguments against the obligation of the coronation oath; and is launched into the world under the name of a gentleman, whom I understand to be a person of some reputation, as a lawyer or conveyancer, and of the Roman catholic persuasion. It is entitled, "A Letter to a Nobleman on the proposed Repeal of the penal Laws which now remain in force against the Irish Roman Catholics, from Charles Butler, Esq. of Lincoln's Inn, Author of the Notes and Annotations on Coke on Littleton." This pamphlet, after stating, that the author is less acquainted with the Irish popery laws than with the English (which is indeed sufficiently manifested by its contents), proceeds to give what it styles an outline of them; but in truth it is an odious, monstrous, and detestable caricatura of the provisions and effects of the Irish po. pery acts of the 2d and 8th of Queen Anne, Since The whole scope of these two wise and pro- | adjacent to his quarters, joined him. What vident statutes was to prevent romanists then could induce the author to praise the from acquiring landed property in Ireland, loyalty of the Irish romanists? He states, their antecedent rebellions and barbarous that if the Irish romanists did not flock to massacres of the protestants of Ireland hav- the standard of Britain, frightful indeed ing rendered such a prohibition at that time would be the solitude of her camps and her not onl- expedient, but absolutely necessary. fleets. Poor Britain! Irish romanists, acThe pamphlet admits, that these acts are cording to this pamphlet, are your only dehow repealed, but the caricatura is inserted fenders! The author means to insinuate, by way of ornament to the subsequent ar- that all the Irish serving in the British fleets gument against the obligation of the corona- and armies are romanists, whereas not one tion oath, the main drift of the pamphlet. half of them are so. And it is certain, that The pamphlet then praises the loyalty of the the protestants of Great Britain and Ireland Irish romanists in the course of the war; would furnish sufficient armies and fleets, if and states that five of the directors of the romanists were entirely excluded. united Irish only one was a romanist; but the mutiny in the fleet, the recruiting ofit should at the same time have stated, as ficers for some time refused to enlist any the truth is, that the other four were des- Irish romanists for the marine service... The perate jacobins and infidels, with which degree of merit of a Romish common solspecies of people the Irish rebels had closely dier, serving under protestant officers in an connected themselves; and that nearly the army, nine-tenths of the common soldiers whole mass of Irish traitors which broke out of which are protestants, in countries reinto open rebellion in the year 1798 were mote from his native land, removed from romanists, not one in five hundred of them the baneful influence of his priests, and subbeing of any other religious persuasion; and ject to military discipline, is so minute, that that they massacred in cold blood all the its value is not easily appreciated. He enprotestants, men, women, and children, who lists for the bounty; he is paid for, and obfell into their hands; giving no other reason liged to perform his allotted service. The for their barbarity, than that the victims author of the pamphlet either did or did not were protestants and heretics. It appears know of the already mentioned rebellion from some passages in the pamphlet, that it and mutiny, when he published his praises was written and published since the year of the loyalty of the Irish romanists: in 1798. In that year burst forth the last re- the first case, he seems to be deficient in bellion of the Irish romanists, and the bar- candour; in the other, in information. The barous massacre of their protestant country- pamphlet then states, that the Roman camen. The reports of the committees of the tholics acknowledge the spiritual supremacy English and Irish houses of commons have of the pope, but to a man deny his right been some years published: the conspiracy to temporal power. It can be hardly supfor rebellion, and the dreadful and dangerous posed, that the author, if he be a lawyer, mutiny of the Irish romanists in the British can be ignorant, that the wisest and most fleet, are fully exposed in these reports; sagacious statesmen and legislators cannot yet the author of the pamphlet has the con- separate a vast portion of temporal influence, fidence to praise the loyalty of the Irish ro- authority, and power, from the supremacy manists, and to state, that in the late inva-in spirituals; their adhesion is indissoluble, sions of Ireland, none were more active in repelling the invaders, and that among the men of influence and property, who were engaged in the rebellion, three catholics cannot be mentioned. There was but one invasion of Ireland during the last war, and conducted by Humbert, at the head of one thousand French troops. He landed in a part of Ireland, in which the bulk of the inhabitants were romanists, who joined him in a mass on his landing; at his first encounter with the king's troops, the greater part of a regiment of Irish militia, all romanists, deserted to him; all the romanists of influence of property within the districts they must for ever accompany each other. |