serve, that you cannot hope to reconcile | racters from a court press; so that the averwhom you cannot hope to satisfy; and he sion of the Irish government stood in the instances the repeal of the penal code. I place of disqualification by law, and the hosdeny the instances: the repeal in 1778 and tility of the Irish minister succeeded to the 1782 did reconcile and did satisfy; and ac- hostility of statute. The catholics, some of cordingly you will find that the Irish catho- them I know, thought so, and there are genlics in 1779, 1780, 1781, and 1782, were ac-tlemen now in parliament to whom they tive and unanimous to repel the invasion communicated their sentiments, that they threatened at that time, when the French would prefer their situation before the repeal rode in the Channel, and Ireland was left to of 1793, to the situation which followed; the care of 6000 regulars, and was only de- inasmuch as they experienced in the then fended from invasion by the spirit and loyalty Irish government a more deadly and more of the catholics, in harmony and in arms active enemy than before they had expewith their protestant brethren. The repeal rienced in the law. I refer to the speeches. of a principal part of the penal code, in delivered and published at the time by the 1793, did not reconcile, and did not satisfy: ministers and servants of the Irish governit was because the Irish government of that ment, and persisted in and delivered since. time was an enemy to the repeal and to the There you will see an attack on all the procatholics, and prevented the good effects of ceedings of the Irish from the time of their that measure. That government, in the address for free trade, such as were glorious summer of 1792, had sent instructions (I as well as those that were intemperate; know the fact to be so) to the grand juries, without discrimination or moderation: there to enter into resolutions against the claims of you will see the Irish ministry engaged in a the catholics. Their leading minister op- wretched squabble with the catholic composed himself at one of the county meet-mittee, and that catholic committee replying ings, and took a memorable post of hostility on that ministry, and degrading it more and publicity. When the petition of the ca- than it had degraded itself; and you will tholics was recommended in the king's further perceive the members of that minisspeech in 1793, the Irish minister answered try urging their charges against the members the king, and with unmeasured severity at- of that committee, to disqualify other cathotacked the petitioners. When the bill in-lics who were not of the committee, but optroduced in consequence of his majesty's re- posed it: so that by their measures against commendation was in progress, the same the one part of the catholics, and their inminister, with as unmeasured severity, at-vective against the other, they take care to tacked the bill, and repeated his severity alienate, as far as in them lay, the whole against the catholics. When the same bill body. The fact is, the project of conciliaof reconciliation, in consequence of the re- tion in 1793, recommended in the speech commendation and reference of the petition, from the throne, was defeated by the Irish was on its passage, the Irish government at- cabinet, which was at that time on that subtempted to hang the leading men among ject in opposition, and being incensed at the the petitioners, and accordingly Mr. Bird British cabinet for the countenance afforded and Mr. Hamil were by these orders indict- to the catholics, punished the latter, and ed for a capital offence, I think it was de- sowed those seeds which afterwards, in confenderism; and so little ground was there junction with other causes, produced the refor the charge that those men were triumph-bellion.-I leave the member, and proceed antly acquitted, and the witnesses of the crown so flagrantly perjured, that the judge, I have heard, recommended a prosecution. These were the causes why the repeal of 1793 did not satisfy; and in addition to these, because the Irish government took care that the catholics should receive no be nefit; therefore opposing these with their known partisans and dependents in the corporation of Dublin, when they sought for the freedom of the city, seldom giving any office (there are very few instances in which they got any) in consequence of the act of parliament, and always attacking their cha

to discuss the differences now remaining that discriminate his majesty's subjects of the protestant and catholic persuasion. Before we consider how far we differ, it is necessary. to examine how far we agree. We acknow. ledge the same God, the same Redeemer, the same consequences of redemption, the same Bible, and the same Testament, Agreeing in this, we cannot, as far as respects religion, quarrel about the remainder, because their merits as christians must in our opinion outweigh their demerits as catholics, and reduce our religious distinctions to a difference about the eucharist, the mass, and

ing the consequences of its own policy in the re-action of its own bad passions on it

the Virgin Mary, matters which may form a difference of opinion, but not a division of interests. The infidel under these circum-self. I am to add the mischief done to the stances would consider us as the same reli- peace of the country, when the spirit of gionists, just as the French would consider religious discord descends to the lower order you, and cut you down, as the same com- of people, and the holiday becomes a riot : munity. See whether we are not agreed a and when the petty magistrate turns chaplittle farther, and united by statute, as well man and dealer in politics, turns theologian as religion. The preambles of three acts and robber, makes for himself a situation declare the catholics to be loyal subjects; in the country formed out of the monstrous the act of 1778 declares that they have been lies he tells of his catholic neighbours, so for a series of years; the same act de-fabricates false panics of insurrection and clares that they should be admitted into the invasion, then walks forth the man of blood, blessings of the constitution; the act of his creditors tremble, the French do not; and 1793 goes farther, and admits them into a atrocities, which he dare not commit in his participation of those blessings. Thus is own name, perpetrates for the honour of the principle of identification established by his king, and in the name of his Maker. I the law of the land, and thus are the have heard of the incivilisation of Ireland: catholics by that law proclaimed to be too much has been said on that subject. I innocent, and the calumniators of the deny the fact; a country exporting above catholics guilty. Let us consider their five millions, even at your official value, situation under these laws, professedly and near about half a million of corn, three in principle admitted to every thing except millions of linen, paying eight millions to scats in parliament, and certain offices of the state, cannot be barbarous; a nation state; they are, in fact, excluded from connected with you for six hundred years, every thing under the circumstances of what do you say? cannot be barbarous. If paying for every thing; the few places they France should say so, you would contradict enjoy make no exception; they pay their her, because it is not on Ireland, but on proportion to the navy, and contribute one-you, the reflection must fall. But if any third to its numbers, and have not a commission they contribute to the expenses of the army, and to one-third of its numbers, and have not a commission and shall I now be asked how are the catholics affected by this, or be told that the catholic body would not be served by the removal of this? How would the protestant body be affected, if only removed from the state, the parliament, the navy, and the army? In addition to this I am to add the many minor injuries done to the catholics in ways that must be felt, and cannot be calculated; the inestimable injury done to the catholic mind by precluding it from the objects of ambi-lord lieutenant of Ireland has done much tion, and to the catholic spirit by exposing it to the taunts and insults, (you cannot be at a loss for an instance), such as are uttered by the vilest of the protestants against the first of the catholics. I am to add the mischief done to the morals of the country by setting up a false standard of merit, by which men without religion, moral or public integrity, shall obtain, by an abhorrence of their fellow subjects, credit and consequence, and acquire an impunity for selling the whole community, because they detest a part of it. You see it is impossible for any one part of the society to afflict the other without paying the penalty, and feel

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thing, however, delays the perfect and extensive civilization of Ireland, it is principally her religious animosity. Examine all the causes of human misery, the tragic machinery of the globe, and the instruments of civil rage and domestic murder, and you find no demon is like it, because it privileges all the rest, and amalgamates with infidelity as well as murder, and conscience, which restrains other vices, becomes a prompter here. To restrain this waste, and this conquest exercised over your understanding, your morals, and your fortune, my hon. friend makes his motion. The present

to reconcile, but his mild integrity and good sense must be aided by parliament. Come, let us hear the objectors. The catholics, they say, should not have political power. Why, they have it already: they got it when you gave them landed property, and they got it when you gave them the elective franchise: "Be it enacted, that the catholics shall be capable of holding all offices, civil and military, except," (and then the act excludes a certain numeration.) This is the act of 1793, and is not this political power allowed by act of parliament? so that the objection goes not so much against the petition, as against the law, and the

ments such as those, it is urged that the | for thus introducing the church as an obthe laws were in error which gave the ca-stacle to the advantages of the state? Is it tholic political power; and it is further add-political, or is it moral, to deprive the caed, that he will use that political power tholic of the franchises of the constitution, to destroy the church. I do not think they because they contribute to the church, lest, have now said he will destroy the present on obtaining those franchises, they should state of property; bigotry has retired from pass laws with-holding that contribution? that part, and has found out at last that the as if you had any right to make that supcatholics cannot repeal the act of settlement position, or any right to insist on that pein Ireland, by which the property of the rilous monopoly, which should exclude them country was ascertained, until they become at once from church and state, that they the parliament; nor become the parliament might pay for both without compensation. till they get the landed property of the coun- The great preachers of our capital have not try; and that when they get that property, said so. Mr. Dunn, that meek spirit of the that they will not pass an act to set aside Gospel-he has not said so. Mr. Douglas, their titles. Further, it is now understood, in his strain of piety, morals, and eloquence that the protestant title is by time; that there he has not said so. Nor the great lumiare few old catholic proprietors-a multi-nary himself-he who has wrung from his tude of new ones; that the catholic tenantry own breast, as it were, near 60,000l. by hold under protestant titles, and therefore preaching for public charities, and has that there is, in support of the present state stopped the mouth of hunger with its own of property in Ireland, not only the strength bread-he has not said so. I ask not what of the protestant interest, but the physical politicians may instil and may whisper; but force of the cathoiles; therefore the objec- what have the labouring clergymen preached tors have judiciously retired from that ground, and practised?-But the revolution, it seems, and now object to catholic power as cer- is an eternal bar: they find the principles of tain to destroy the protestant church-how? slavery in the revolution, as they have found They must do it by act of legislation, or those of darkness in the revelation. If they by act of force; by act of legislation they mean to measure the privileges of the emcannot, and by force they will not. They pire by the model existing at the revolution, will not by act of force, because the mea- they must impose on Ireland eternal prosures proposed, which do not go to increase scription, for at that time she was deprived that force, do go decisively to remove the of the rights of trade and constitution, and animosity. Or will you say, when you give the catholics of all rights whatsoever; and them every temporal motive to allegiance, they must impose on the empire two opthey will become rebels? that when indeed posite principles of action, the free system they had rights of religion, rights of pro- for England, and the proscriptive principle perty rights of election, they were loyal; for the rest. They are then to make Ireland but when you gratified their 'ambition like- fight for British liberty and Irish exclusion, wise, they then became disaffected, and Their argument is therefore not only a wicked ready to sacrifice all their temporal rights wish, but a vain one. Nor is this the prac and political gratifications-in order to do tice of other countries; those countries do what? To get a larger income for their not require the religion of the public officer clergy; that is, that their bishops should to be the religion of the state; their practice drink more claret, wear finer clothes, and has been notoriously otherwise: they who with whose assistance should they do this? said the contrary labour under a glaring erWith the aid of the French, who starve their ror. Nor will you be able to encounter clergy: The ordinary principles of action, France and the other nations of Europe, if the human motives that direct other men, they should avail themselves of the talents according to these reasoners, are not to be of all their people, and you will oppose found in the catholic. Nature is in him res them by only a part of yours, and while you versed; he is not influenced by the love of deprive yourself of the full strength of those family, of property, of privileges, of power, talents, expose yourself to their animosity. or any human passions, according to his an- It follows then, whether you look to the tagoniste, no more than his antagonists are principles of liberty or empire; that you influenced by human reason, and therefore cannot make the proscriptive system existit is these reasoners deal mostly in the pro- ing at the revolution the measure of the phetic strain with a prophet's fury and his other parts of your empire; you must then blindness with much zeal, and no religion. make the principles of the revolution that I would ask then, what authority have they measure. What are those principles? Civil