rebellion and insurrection. Here, for the first time, the word "insurrection" was used. How it had crept into the act he could not tell. As no invasion had taken place, he presumed that as ministers had in the king's speech made mention of insurrections, it was on this latter statute that they meant to rest the defence of a measure, which could be legal only in the specified cases, and in every other was contrary to the law and usage of parliament. He wished, therefore, that those who were best qualified to clear up what was obscure and doubtful on this head, would point out where and when this insurrection had taken place, which alone could make the present a legal meeting of parliament, and render its subsequent acts valid and binding on the people.

Mr. Secretary Dundas observed, that by the 26th of Geo. 3, c. 10, his majesty had, clearly and expressly, a power to call out the militia, in certain cases, during a prorogation; and whenever he exercised that power, he was bound to call parliament together within fourteen days. The legality of the meeting, and of the subsequent acts of legislation, did not depend, in the smallest degree, upon the truth of the allegations on which ministers should advise the Crown to call out the militia; for in the statute which had been already mentioned, there was a specific clause legalizing every act which the parliament should pass, after having been assembled before the expiration of a prorogation. The validity of its acts would therefore not depend on the truth or falsehood of the grounds on which the meeting might have been advised by ministers. Whether ministers were right or wrong in advising the measure was another question; and probably a satisfactory answer would be given to it in the course of the debate upon the address.

Mr. Fox agreed that parliament could legally and with perfect regularity in point of form proceed to business; the calling out of the militia having enabled the king to assemble them in fourteen days. Thus it stood in point of regularity; but he could not think that parliament would meet upon the principles of justice or common sense, and proceed to any business whatever, before they had investigated the truth of the proclamation by which they were convened. What spur of business was it that required such precipitancy? How could they answer

to their constituents for implicitly proceeding upon assertions in a proclamation without proof? This was changing into a cause that which was only a pretence. He had no objection, indeed, first to vote an address of thanks to his majesty for his gracious speech; but then he would vote it in the simplest terms possible, and take care not to pledge the House to any strong measure, until it should have been made to appear, that the cause of the present meeting was such, as would warrant so extraordinary a departure from the usual forms.

The Speaker then informed the House that he had attended his majesty in the House of Lords, for the purpose of hearing his majesty's most gracious speech from the throne, of which, to prevent mistakes, he had obtained a copy. The Speaker having read his majesty's speech, Mr. Jenkinson rose, he said, to propose an address to the throne, in the absence

[Here he was interrupted by a member appearing to be sworn-during which the Lord Mayor entered, and took his seat.]

The Lord Mayor (sir James Saunderson) said, that trusting to the candid and liberal indulgence afforded by the House to a new speaker, he rose to move an humble address to his majesty, for his most gracious speech from the throne; and was extremely sorry that he had detained the House so very long, owing to an interruption in the streets, quite unavoidable, and not from any failure in that respect and attention which he felt to be due to the House. Inexperienced in the forms of parliamentary proceeding, he should not have presumed to come forward on this occasion, but on account of the very responsible situation which he had the honour to hold having given him material information on the points to which he should request the favour of their attention. His majesty's proclamation at the close of the last session had very considerably checked_the_seditious practices which had been found to prevail; but he was scarcely seated in the mayoralty chair, before he became pos sessed of a variety of information, through different channels, which convinced him that the same mischievous attempts were renewed with augmented force, under a material change of affairs in another country.

Numerous societies had been esta

blished within the city of London, corresponding and confederating with other

societies in different parts of the united | kingdoms, all formed under specious pretences, but actually tending to subvert the constitution of the country. Those societies, so connected, industriously and unremittingly circulated gratis, a great variety of pernicious publications, adapted to the meanest capacity, and tending to create doubt and discontent in the minds of the lower classes of his fellow-subjects, and by slow but sure means to alienate their minds from their allegiance to the king, and their attachment to the constitution. Under these circumstances, and recollecting also the fatal consequences of insurrection, and the want of timely exertion, some years ago in the capital, and recollecting likewise the calamities which had more recently overwhelmed the metropolis of a neighbouring kingdom, from an apparent want of precaution, he felt himself bound in duty to put his fellow-citizens on their guard; and the manly and decided manner in which they had seconded him, had given vigour to his feeble efforts. The citizens of London by their seasonable, and loyal conduct at this important crisis, aided by the firm and temperate measures of prevention adopted by the executive government, had brought back tranquillity to the city: the societies alluded to had in consequence altered their measures, and were now conducted less openly and more cautiously, but were on that account, the more dangerous. He believed he might venture to aver, that his fellowcitizens had seen, with satisfaction and thankfulness, the paternal care of his majesty for the safety and welfare of his people, and the wise and salutary precautions taken by the executive government to preserve the public happiness at this period. Beneficial as those preparations had been with respect to internal commotion, they might be found still more useful and provident, if applied to external danger. He here alluded principally to the situation of our old ally the States General of the United Provinces; for if measures had been or were to be pursued, as respecting them, repugnant to the law of nations and the positive ties of treaties, we ought to interpose, and we are, by these preparations, the better able to do so with effect. He was happy to be informed, that the excess of the annual revenue beyond the ordinary expenditure would amply provide for vigorous preparations. He sincerely lamented that no farther di

minution of the existing taxes could for the present, be expected; but the best means of attaining those important objects, undoubtedly would be the prosecution of such measures as would best secure the public tranquillity. He then moved,

"That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this House, for his most gracious speech from the throne:

"To assure his majesty, that it would have afforded us the most sincere satisfaction, if his majesty could have announced to us the secure and undisturbed continuance of all the blessings, which his majesty's subjects have derived from a state of tranquillity; but that we are fully sensible that events have recently occurred, which must require our united vigilance and exertion to preserve to this country the advantages which it has hitherto enjoyed:

"That it has been impossible for us not to perceive, from our own observation in different parts of the country, the increased activity with which seditious practices have of late been openly renewed:

"That we learn with concern, that not only a spirit of tumult and disorder (the natural consequence of such practices) has shown itself in acts of riot and insurrection, which required the interposition of a military force in support of the civil magistrate, but that the industry employed to excite discontent has appeared to proceed from a design to attempt, in concert with persons in foreign countries, the destruction of our happy constitution, and the subversion of all order and government:

"To express our sense of the temper and prudence which have induced his majesty to observe a strict neutrality with respect to the war on the continent, and uniformly to abstain from any interference with respect to the internal affairs of France; but, at the same time, to assure his majesty, that we cannot but participate in the just uneasiness with which his majesty must observe any indications of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and to pursue views of conquest and aggrandizement, and particularly to adopt measures towards his majesty's allies the States General, inconsistent with the law of nations, and the positive stipulations of existing treaties:

who considered that there was a close connexion between them and the ruling powers in France. They kept up a correspondence with the national convention, and even sent over deputies to it, who were received with the utmost respect, whose addresses were loudly applauded, and who were admitted with honours into the body of the house. These societies sympathised in every thing with the French: their countenances betrayed a dejection, when the duke of Brunswick was on his march to Paris, which could be surpassed only by the extravagant joy which they expressed when he was obliged to retreat. Their connexion with the French was the more alarming, as the latter professed principles dangerous to every neighbouring state; they maintained the propriety of fomenting divisions among the subjects of the surrounding nations; and held out promises of protection and support to all those who should think themselves aggrieved, and wished therefore to change the form of their government. In consequence of those principles, they had already invaded the Netherlands, and now threatened to deprive the Dutch of advantages which they had long enjoyed, which had been guaranteed to them by France herself, by England, and even by the sovereign of the Netherlands. They could therefore have no just ground for such a proceeding; whilst we, on the other hand, were bound to fulfil our engagements with Holland specifically contracted, without inquiring why or wherefore the navigation of the Scheldt, had been secured to the dutch. All that we had to consider on the occasion was, that they were in possession of the exclusive navigation of that river by the consent of surrounding nations, and of the house of Austria itself; and that we had pledged ourselves to maintain them in that possession. Seeing the state of affairs in this point of view, it was with great pleasure that he seconded the motion for an address, because he conceived that in so doing he was giving support to a system of government under which the country had risen to enviable prosperity.

Lord Fielding said, that it had not been often in his power to agree with ministers or give his approbation to their measures; on this day, however, they should have his support. The question on this occasion was not whether we should have this minister or that, but whether we should have any government at all. The

time was come when every man who was a friend to monarchy, and to the constitution in church and state, as it was established at the glorious revolution, should speak out, and rally round the throne. That throne and that constitution he was determined to defend at the hazard of every thing that was dear to him; and if ministers stood in need of new or extraordinary powers for the preservation of both, he, for one was ready to vote them; and as an earnest of his sincerity in this declaration, he gave notice that he would on Monday next move for leave to bring in a bill for suspending the habeas-corpus act, as far as it should relate to the persons of foreigners.

The Earl of Wycombe declared that it was impossible for him to approve of what he did not understand, and therefore he could not give praise to ministers, or vote an address of thanks to the king, for what was either not within his knowledge, or beyond his comprehension. But this much he was able to say, that the speech calumniated the people of England; for so far was he from being able to discover any trace or symptom of insurrection, that the kingdom was at that very moment absolutely overflowing with loyalty. To the constitution he was as warmly attached as any man in the nation, and would be as ready to rally round the throne and defend it in the hour of danger. He believed that there were very few, if any who entertained a serious wish to pull down the constitution. The calamities which had befallen a neighbouring country would deter men from forming experimental governments. He knew that with respect to forms of government, in general there were different opinions held in England; but they were merely specula. tive, and ought not to occasion any alarm, unless they were called forth into action, and made the ground-work of active measures. It was impossible that men should discuss a question respecting forms of government, without differing from each other in opinion; but as long as they confined themselves to mere argument, they could not be said, to afford any real ground for alarm. The constitution of England was perfectly safe, because it was a good one, and for a still better reason, because it was the government of the people's choice. Where, then, he asked was the cause of the alarm? It was evident that it did not exist in England. Did gentlemen think that it was to be found in Scotland?

Certainly not; for what the people of that country looked for was not a subversion, but simply a reform of the constitution, and the removal of certain abuses or defects in the representation of the Commons. They had no hostile intentions against either the crown or the House of Lords. Was it in Ireland that the cause for alarm might be discovered? Certainly not; for the claims of the Catholics of that kingdom were neither unreasonable nor inimical to the constitution, They looked for a participation of its blessings, and not for its overthrow; and he hoped the day was not distant when civil penalties on account of religious opinions would be at an end, when religion would be considered by the state in the light in which it ought to be viewed, as a matter between the creature and his maker. He had heard with great sorrow that part of his majesty's speech which adverted to the possibility of a foreign war. There was not, in his opinion, a sufficient cause for it at present; nor did he believe that any thing short of an actual invasion could justify a nation in entering into a foreign war. He was so very near being decidedly of that opinion, that if a motion were made for leave to bring in a bill for declaring that the country should never engage in any war, unless for the purpose of resisting an invasion, he verily believed he should vote for it. If we were bound by the treaty of 1788 to maintain to Holland the exclusive navigation of the Scheldt, and to the Stadtholder his privileges, more shame to those who entered into such an engagement. His lordship read the third article of that treaty, and showed that it amounted to a violation of the law of nations. The office of stadtholder, he said was no essential part of the republic; the Dutch might see cause for modifying or abolishing it; but this article told them, that if ever they should presume to do such a thing, though they had an undoubted right to do it, the power of England should be sent forth in support of the stadtholder, and against the sovereign right of the republic. The opening of the navigation of the Scheldt did not strike him as being of sufficient consequence to justify a war with France. Were she to wish to throw open that trade to Spanish America, would it be the interest of England to prevent her? She might even open to herself the Black Sea; but that would not operate to the injury or exclusion of England; for her activity and her t

capital would enable her to pursue the same track, and come in for a share of the advantages of the trade carried on in that quarter. Should we unfortunately be forced into a war with France, who certainly had not provoked it by any act of hostility or attempt to invade our territory, he did not see how we could make any impression upon that country. She had of late begun to think that a system of colonizing, and holding transmarine possessions, was not wise or politic, and therefore she would not be very solicitous about preserving her colonies, which she now considered rather as her weakness than her strength; and, indeed, this opinion respecting such possessions was not peculiar to France, for there were persons of great abilities who doubted much whether England would not be more powerful without her colonies than with them; for whilst on the one hand she would be sure of being able to trade with them, she would on the other find herself relieved from the enormous expense of defending them. The revolution in North America had occasioned this doubt; for our commerce with the United States was more advantageous to us at this moment than it was whilst they were parts of the British empire, and consequently when the mother country was obliged to incur the expense of defending them. We might, it was true, injure the trade of France, were we to go to war with that country; but it ought to be remembered, that the more our own trade was extended, the more it would be exposed to danger. Upon the whole, he did not hesitate to declare, that in his opinion a war with France, in the present circumstances, would be highly impru dent; he, therefore, should not be able to vote for the address.

Mr. For rose and said:-Although, Sir, what has fallen from the noble earl behind me contains the substance of almost all that I have to offer, and although it must have produced the effects which good sense, truth, and solid argument never fail to produce on a great body, the tacit acknowledgment of all who heard him, insomuch, that no one seemed ready to venture to rise up in answer to the noble earl, yet I cannot avoid offering my opinion on the present most critical and most alarming occasion. I am not so little acquainted with the nature of man as not to know, that in public speaking, in order to engage the attention of the