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hearers, besides the efficacy of fair and intolerable calumny on the people of candid reasoning, a man ought always to Great Britain ; an insinuation of so gross be in temper and unison with his audi- and so black a nature, that it demands the ence. He ought to show, that however strictest inquiry, and the most severe puthey may differ upon points, they are still nishment. pursuing in reality the same object, The next assertion is, that there exists namely, the love of truth. With this ob- at this moment an insurrection in this ject in view, I shall, Sir, state explicitly kingdom. An insurrection! Where is what are my sentiments on the subjects it? Where has it reared its head ? Good now presented to our notice by the speech God! an insurrection in Great Britain ! from the throne. And first, I state it to No wonder that the militia were called be my conviction, that we are assembled out, and parliament assembled in the exat the most critical and momentous crisis, traordinary way in which they have been. not only that I have ever known, but that But where is it? Two genilemen have I have ever read of in the history of this delivered sentiments in commendation country-a crisis not merely interesting and illustration of the speech ; and yet, to ourselves but to all nations; and that though this insurrection has existed for on the conduct of parliament at this crisis fourteen days, they have given us no light depends not only the fate of the British whatever, no clue, no information where constitution, but the future happiness of to find it. The right honourable magismankind.-His majesty's speech, Sir, is trate tells us, that, in his high municipal full of a variety of assertions, or perhaps I situation, he has received certain informashould not make use of the word asser- tion which he does not think proper to tions, without adding, that it has also a communicate to us. This is really carryvariety of insinuations conveyed in the ing the doctrine of confidence to a length shape of assertions, which must impress indeed. Not content with ministers leadevery man with the most imminent ap- ing the House of Commons into the most prehensions for the safety of every thing extravagant and embarrasing situations, that is justly dear to Englishmen. It under the blind cover of confidence, we is our first duty to inquire into the truth are now told that a municipal magistrate of these assertions and insinuations so has information of an insurrection, which conveyed to us from the throne. I am he does not choose to lay before the Comsure I need not recur to the old parlia- mons of England, but which he assures mentary usage of declaring, that when I us is sufficient to justify the alarm that speak of the king's speech, I mean to be has spread over the whole country! The considered as speaking of the speech of hon. seconder tells us, that the insurthe minister, since no one, I trust, will rections are too notorious to be deimpute to me a want of due and sincere scribed."- I will take upon me to say, Sir, respect for his majesty. It is the speech that it is not the notoriety of the insurrecwhich his majesty has been advised, by his tions which prevents those gentlemen from confidential servants, to deliver from the communicating to us the particulars, but throne. They are responsible for every their non-existence. The speech goes on letter of it, and to them and them only, in the same strain of calumny and falseevery observation is addressed. I state hood, and says, “the industry employed it, therefore, to be my firm opinion, that to excite discontent on various pretexts there is not one fact asserted in his ma- and in different parts of the kingdom, has jesty's speech which is not false—not one appeared to proceed from a design to atassertion or insinuation which is not un tempt the destruction of our happy confounded. Nay, I cannot be so uncandid stitution, and the subversion of all order as to believe, that even the ministers and government." I beseech gentlemen themselves think them true. This charge to consider the import of these words, upon his majesty's ministers is of so seri- and I demand of their honour and truth, ous a kind, that I do not pronounce it if they believe this assertion to be founded liglıtly; and I desire that gentlemen will ) in fact. There have been, as I undergo fairly into the consideration of the stand, and as every one must have heard, subject, and manifest the proper spirit of some slight riots in different parts of the the representatives of the people in such country, but I ask them, were not the vaa moment. What the noble earl said is rious pretexts of these different tumults most strictly true. The great, promi- false, and used only to cover an attempt nent feature of the speech is, that it is an to destroy our happy constitution ? I

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make us say,

have heard of a tumult at Shields, of ano- my spirits drooped, and I was dejected.
ther at Leith, of some riot at Yarmouth, What, Sir, could any man who loves the
and of something of the same nature at constitution of England, who feels its prin-
Perth and Dundee. I ask gentlemen ifciples in his heart, wish success to the duke
they believe that in each of these places of Brunswick, after reading a Manifesto*
the avowed object of the complaint of the
people, was not the real one-that the

* The following is a Copy of the Duke of
sailors at Shields, Yarmouth, &c. did not Brunswick's Manifesto :
really want some increase of their wages, “ When their majesties the emperor and
but where actuated by a design of over the king of Prussia entrusted me with the
throwing the constitution ? Is there a command of their armies, which have since
man in England who believes this insinu. entered France, and rendered me the organ
ation to be true? And in like manner of of their intentions, expressed in the two de-
every other meeting, to which, in the clarations of the 25th and 27th of July 1792,

their majesties were incapable of supposing present spirit, men may give the name of the scenes of horror which have preceded and tumultuous assembling. I desire to know brought on the imprisonment of the royal faif there has been liscovered any motive mily of France. Such enormities, of which other than their open and avowed one. the history of the most barbarous nations And yet, with this conviction in our hardly furnishes an example, were not, howminds, we are called upon to declare di- ever, the ultimate point to which the same rectly our belief and persuasion that these audacious demagogues aspired. things are so. We are called upon to join

“ The suppression of the king's functions, in the libel upon our constituents. The stitution (so long boasted as expressing the

which had been reserved to him by the conanswer to the speech says, that we know national wish) was the last crime of the naof the tumult and disorder, but as to the tional assembly, and which has brought on actual insurrection, it more modestly France the two dreadful scourges of war and

“that we are sorry to hear anarchy. There is but one step more necesthere is an insurrection :” of the tu-sary to perpetuate those evils; and a thoughtmults and disorders, then, we have per- less caprice, the forerunner of the fall of nasonal knowledge; but the insurrection we

tions, has overwhelmed those who qualify learn from his majesty's speech !

theniselves the substitutes of the nation, to I do not wish to enter at length into the solid basis. The first decree of their conven

confirm its happiness and rights on the most affairs of France, which form the next tion was the abolition of royalty in France; prominent passage in his majesty's speech; and the unqualified acclamations of a few inbut though I do not desire to enter at dividuals, some of whom are strangers, has length into this part, 1 cannot conceal my been thought of sufficient weight to overbasentiments on certain doctrines which í lance the opinions of fourteen centuries, duhave heard this night. The honourable ring which the French inonarchy has existed. seconder thought proper to say, as a proof mies of France could rejoice, if they could

« This proceeding, at which only the enethat there existed a dangerous spirit in this country, that it was manifested by to the firm resolution which their majesties

suppose its effects lasting, is directly contrary the drooping and dejected aspect of many the emperor and the king of Prussia have persons, when the tidings of Dumourier's adopted, and from which they will never desurrender arrived in England. What, part, -that of restoring his most christian Sir, is this to be considered as a sign of majesty to his liberty, safety, and royal dig. discontent, and of a preference to repub. nity, or to take exemplary vengeance on lican doctrines ? That men should droop

those who dare to continue their insults. and be dejected in their spirits, when they clares to the French nation in general, and to

“ For these reasons, the undersigned deheard that the armies of despotism had

every

individual in particular, that their matriumphed over an army fighting for li jesties the emperor and the king of Prussia, berty; if such dejection be a proof that invariably attached

invariably attached to the principle of not men are discontented with the constitu- interfering in the internal government of tion of England, and leagued with fo France, persist equally in requiring that his reigners in an attempt to destroy it, I must christian majesty, and all the royal fagive myself up to my country as a guilty mily shall be instantly set at liberty by those man, for I freely confess, that when I who now imprison them.—Their majesties heard of the surrender or retreat of Du- insist also, that the royal dignity shall, with

out delay, be reestablished in France in the mourier, and that there was a probability person of Louis 10th and his successors; and of the triumph of the armies of Austria that measures may be taken in order that and Prussia over the liberties of France, the royal dignity may not again be liable to

which violated every doctrine that Eng- this country were actually in the horrid
lishmen hold sacred, which trampled un- league formed against human liberty ?
der foot every principle of justice and Are we taught to bring this heavy charge
humanity and freedom and true govern- against all those, whose spirits drooped
ment; and upon which the combined on the reverse of the news, and when it
armies entered the kingdom of France, turned out that it was not Dumourier, but
with which they had nothing to do; and the duke of Brunswick who had re-
when he heard, or thought that he saw a treated? No ; he would not charge them
probability of their success, could any with being confederates with the invaders
man possessing true British feelings be of France; nor could they believe, that the
other than dejected ? I honestly confess, really constitutional men of England, who
Sir, that I never felt more sincere gloom rejoiced at the overthrow of that horrid
and dejection in my life ; for I saw in the and profligate scheme, wished to draw
triumph of that conspiracy, not merely therefrom any thing hostile to the esta-
the ruin of liberty in France, but the blished government of England.
ruin of liberty in England ; the ruin of But what, Sir, are the doctrines that
the liberty of man. But, am I to be told they desire to set up by this insinuation
that my sorrow was an evident proof of of gloom and dejection ? That English-
my being connected with the French na- men are not to dare to have any genuine
tion, or with any persons in that nation, feelings of their own; that they must not
for the purpose of aiding them in creating rejoice but by rule; that they must not
discontents in England, or in making any think but by order; that nó man shall
attempt to destroy the British constitu- dare to exercise his faculties in contem-
tion? If such a conclusion were to be plating the objects that surround him, nor
drawn from the dejection of those who give way to the indulgence of his joy or
are hostile to the maxims of tyranny, grief in the emotions that they excite,
upon which the invasion of France was but according to the instructions that he
founded, what must we say of those men shall receive. That, in observing the
who acknowledge that they are sorry the events that happen to surrounding and
invasion did not prosper? Am I to be- neutral nations, he shall not dare to think
lieve that the hon. gentleman, and all whether they are favourable to the prin-
others, who confess their sorrow at the ciples that contribute to the happiness of
failure of Prussia and Austria, were con- man, or the contrary; and that he must
nected with the courts in concert, and take, not merely his opinions, but his sen-
that a considerable body of persons in sations from his majesty's ministers and

their satellites for the time being! Sir, the insult to which it is now subject. If the whenever the time shall come that the French nation have not entirely lost sight of character and spirits of Englishmen are so their real interests

, and if, free in their resolu- subdued ; when they shall consent to be. tions, they wish to end the calamities of war, lieve that everything which happens which expose so many provinces to the evils inseparable from armies, they will not hesitate around is indifferent both to their undera moment to declare their acquiescence with standings and their hearts; and when they the peremptory demands which I address to shall be brought to rejoice and grieve, just them in the name of the emperor and king as it shall suit the taste, the caprice, or of Prussia; and which, if refused, must inevi- the ends of ministers, then I pronounce tably bring on this kingdom, lately so four-, the constitution of this country to be exishing, new and more terrible misfortunes.

tinct. We have read, Sir, of religious per* The measures which the French nation may adopt, in consequence of this declara- . secutions, of the implacable oppressions tion, must either extend and perpetuate the of the Roman see, of the horrors of the dreadful effects of an unhappy war, in de inquisition of Spain ; but so obdurate, so stroving, by the abolition of monarchy, the hard, so intolerable a scheme of cruelty, means of renewing the ancient connexions was never engendered in the mind of, which subsisted between France and the so- much less practised by, any tyrant, spirivereigns of Europe, or those measures may tual or temporal. For see to what lengths open the way to negociations for the re-esta- they carry this system of intellectual opwhich those who name themselves the depu: pression!“ On various pretexts there ties of the national will are most interested have been tumults and disorders, but the in restoring speedily to the nation.

true design was the destruction of our “ C. F. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK LCNENBURG.” happy constitution.” So says the speech, Hans, Sept. 28. 1792.

and mark the illustration of the right hon. (VOL. XXX. ]

i [C]

.

magistrate : « There have been various 80- it is impossible! Away with all further cieties established in the city of London, amelioration of the state of man in society, instituted for the plausible purpose of for it is needless! Let no man touch merely discussing constitutional questions this work of man; it is like the work of but which were really designed to propa. heaven, perfect in all its parts, and, unlike gate seditious doctrines.” So, then, by every other work of man, it is neither cathis new scheme of tyranny, we are not to pable of perversion nor subject to decay ! judge of the conduct of men by their overtSuch is the presumptuous language that acts, but are to arrogate to ourselves at we hear; and, not content with this once the province and the power of the haughty tone, they imitate the celebrated Deity; we are to arraign a man for his anathema of brother Peter, in the tale of secret thoughts, and to punish him, be- a tub, and exclaim,“ G-d confound you cause we chuse to believe him guilty ! both eternally if you offer to believe “ You tell me, indeed," says one of these otherwise." municipal inquisitors, “ that you meet for Now this, Sir, is the crisis which I an honest purpose, but I know better ; think so truly alarming. We are come to your plausible pretext shall not impose the moment, when the question is, whether upon me; I know your seditious design; we shall give to the king, that is, to the I'will brand you for a traitor by my own executive goveroment, complete power proper authority.” What innocence can over our thoughts; whether we are to rebe safe against such a power? What in- sign the exercise of our natural faculties quisitor of Spain, of ancient or of modern to the ministers for the time being, or tyranny, can hold 80 lofty a tone? whether we shall maintain, that in Eng. Well and nobly and seasonably, has the land no man is criminal, but by the comnoble earl said--and I would not weaken mission of overt acts forbidden by the the sentiment by repeating it in terms law. This I call a crisis more imminent less forcible than his own, but that eternal and tremendous than any that the history truth cannot suffer by the feebleness of of this country ever exhibited. I am not the terms in which it is conveyed—“There so ignorant of the present state of men's are speculative people in this country, who minds, and of the ferment artfully created disapprove of the system of our govern- as not to know that I am now advancing an ment, and there must be such men as opinion likely to be unpopular. It is not long as the land is free ; for it is of the the first time that I have incurred the very essence of freedom for men to differ same hazard. But I am as ready to meet upon speculative points.” Is it possible the current of popular opinion now runto conceive, that it should enter into the ning in favour of those high lay doctrines, imaginations of freemen to doubt this as in the year 1783 I was to meet the optruth? The instant that the general sense posite torrent, when it was said, that I of the people shall question this truth, wished to sacrifice the people to the and that opinion shall be held dependent crown. I will do now as I did then. I on the will of ministers and magistrates, will act against the cry of the moment, from that moment I dáte the extinction of in the confidence, that the good sense and our liberties as a people. Our constitution reflection of the people will bear me out. was not made, thank God! in a day. It I know well that there are societies who is the result of gradual and progressive have published opinions, and circulated wisdom. Never has the protecting pamphlets, containing doctrines tending, genius of England been either asleep or if you please, to subvert our establishsatisfied.

ments. I say that they have done nothing “O but man, proud man!

unlawful in this ; for these pamphlets Drest in a little brief authority,

have not been suppressed by law. Show Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven, me the law that orders these books to be As make the angels weep."

burnt, and I will acknowledge the illegaNow, it seems, the constitution is com- lity of their proceedings; but if there be plete-now we are to stand still. We are no such law, you violate the law in acting to deride the practice and the wisdom of without authority. You have taken upon our forefathers : we are to elevate our- you to do that for which you have no selves with the constitution in our warrant; you have voted them to be hands, and to hold it forth to a wondering guilty. What is the course prescribed by world as a model of human perfection. law? Ifany doctrines are published tendAway with all further improvement, for ing to subvert the constitution in church and state, you may take cognizance of have acted with little disguise. One of the fact in a court of law. What have them, the association for preserving liyou done? Taken upon you by your own berty and property against republicans authority to suppress them—to erect and levellers, I'must applaud for the sinevery man, not merely into an inquisitor, cerity of its practice. Mr. Chairman but into a judge, a spy, an informer-to Reeves says, that they will not only pro. set father against father, brother against secute, but they will convince men, and brother, and neighbour against neighbour, they recommend, among other publicaand in this way you expect to maintain tions, a hand-bill, intituled, “ One penny. the peace and tranquillity of the country! worth of truth from Thomas Bull to his You have gone upon the principles of brother John," in which, among other slavery in all your proceedings; you neg. odd things, it is said, “Have you not read lect in your conduct the foundation of all the Bible? Do you not know that it is legitimate government, the rights of the there written, that kings are the Lord's people; and, setting up this bugbear, you anointed? But whoever heard of an spread a panic for the very purpose of anointed republic? Such is the manner in sanctifying this infringement, while again which these associations are to “ conthe very infringement engenders the evil vince” the minds of men! In the course which you dread. One extreme natu- of the present century, their recommenrally leads to another. Those who dread dation would have been prosecuted as republicanism, fy for shelter to the high treason. In the years 1715 and crown. Those who desire reform and are 1745, the person who dared to say that calumniated, are driven by despair to re- kings derived their power from divine publicanism. And this is the evil that I right, would have been prosecuted for dread!

treason; and I ask if, even now, this is These are the extremes into which the way to inculcate the principles of gethese violent agitations hurry the people nuine loyalty? No, Sir, thank God, the to the gradual decrease of that middle people of this country have a better ground order of men who shudder as much at re. of loyalty to the house of Brunswick than publicanism on the one hand, as they do that of divine right, namely, that they are at despotism on the other. That middle the sovereigns of their own election; that order of men, who have hitherto preserved their right is not derived from superstition to this country all that is dear in life, I but from the choice of the people themam sorry to say it, is daily lessening ; but selves; that it originated in the only gepermit me to add, that while my feeble nuine fountain of all royal power, the will voice continues, it shall not be totally of the many; and that it has been extinct; there shall at least be one man strengthened and confirmed by the expewho will, in this ferment of extremes, pre- rience of the blessings they have enjoyed, serve the centre point. I may be abused because the house of Brunswick has reby one side, I may be libelled by the membered the principles upon which they oiher ; I may be branded at one and the received the crown. " It is rather extraorsame time with the terms of fireband and dinary, Sir, that such language should be lukewarm politician; but though I love po- held at this precise moment; that it pularity, and own that there is no external should be thought right to abuse repubreward so dear to me as the good opinion lics, at the very moment that we are cal. and confidence of my fellow citizens, yet no led upon to protect the republic of Holtemptation whatever shall ever induce me land." To spread the doctrine that kings to join any association that has for its ob- only govern by divine right, may indisject a change in the basis of our constitu- pose your allies to receive your proposed tion, or an extension of that basis beyond succour. They may not chuse to receive the just proportion. I will stand in the into their country your admirals and gegap, and oppose myself to all the wild nerals, who being appointed by this king, projects of a new-fangled theory, as much in divine right, must partake of the same as against the monstrous iniquity of ex- anger, and be supposed sworn enemies to ploded doctrines. I conceive the latter all forms of government not so sanctified. to be more our present danger than the Surely, independent of the falsehood and former. I see, not merely in the panic of the danger of preaching up such doctrines at the timorous, but in the acts of the de. home, it is the height of impolicy at this signing, cause for alarm against the most time to hold them in regard even to our abhorrent doctrines. The new associations neighbours. It may be asked, would I

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