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-contemptible trifling about ceremonies. I been accused in the last debate with reThey had committed us, and their con- peating the same things over and over, he duct was now before the tribunal of God, should now content himself with referring of the public, and of posterity. Who to the opinions he had formerly delivered are the aggressors, they who kept a mi- and hoped that he should not be again renister, or they who dismissed him--they proached, in the same breath that rewho offered to explain, or they who re- minded him of repetition, with failing to fused to hear-they who offered to go on repeat any one of those opinions to whatand trade in amity, or they who prohibited ever part of the subject it might relate. the export of grain to them, while open to The present crisis was awful. He had all the rest of the world?' It was well done every thing in his power to avert the known that Dumourier was anxious to calamity of war; and he did intend to come to England to negociate, not to have made one more attempt, if he had fight; and nothing but the dismission of not been most unaccountably prevented M. Chauvelin, in the harsh way in which by the failure of public business for a it was done, put an end to a mission that whole week. That opportunity was unwould have secured us the continuance of fortunately lost. We were now actually peace. The noble marquis made a for- engaged in war; and being so engaged, cible appeal on the state of the country, there could be no difference of opinion on on the discontents of Ireland, and the in- the necessity of supporting it with vigour. disposition of Scotland. What would be No want of disposition to support it the consequence when the real public of could be imputed to him ; for in the debate England also should be raised, and the on his majesty's message, announcing false public, the associations, be laid that we were at war, he had moved an asleep? The state of Holland was not a amendment to the address, as much subject of confidence to those who knew pledging the House to a vigorous support it best. If its Bank, its East-India, and of it, as the address proposed by his maWest India companies, should be affected jesty's ministers, and better calculated to the whole fabric of Holland would give ensure unanimity. But the more he felt way. The great question to resolve was, himself bound to support the war, the what this war was for, what it was to ef- more he felt himself bound to object to fect, and how it was to end? It was the measures which, as far as yet apnot a war of anger, nor of vengeance. peared, had unnecessarily led to it. What was it?-He was afraid it was a The necessity of the war might be war of aggrandizement on our part ; a war defended on two principles ; first, the to prosecute which, we were negociating malus animus, or general bad disposition with the other powers for treaties now of the French towards this country: the understood-now every thing but signed crimes they have committed among them. and which, as soon as we were fairly selves; the systems they have endeavoured involved, we should, upon some twenty- to establish, if systems they might be call. four hours notice, be called upon, as we ed; in short, the internal government of were on this message, to approve. their country. On this principle, there were

The Duke of Leeds warmly approved few indeed that would venture to defend of the address, and of the war, which he it; and this being disavowed as the cause thought was unavoidable on the part of of war by his majesty's ministers, it was ministers, and in which they should have unnecessary for him to dwell upon it. Se. his hearty support.

condly, that_various things have been Earl Stanhope's amendment first, and done by the French, manifestly extendnext the earl of Lauderdale's were put, ing beyond their own country, and afand negatived. The address was then fecting the interests of us and our allies ; agreed to.

for which, unless satisfaction was given,

we must enforce satisfaction by arms. Debate on Mr. Fox's Resolutions against This he considered as the only principle the War with France.] Feh. 18. In pur- on which the necessity of the war could suance of the notice he had given, be truly defended, and in this he was

Mr. Fox rose. He said that he had de- sure the great majority of the House livered his sentiments so frequently on the and of the country were of the same several points included in his intended opinion. His object was, to record this motion, that the House could not expect in an address; and whatever objection him to add much that was new. Having there might be as to time or circum. stances, could he abtain the sense of the who in first attempting to invade France, House purely upon the principle, he and some of them in since invading Poshould be very sanguine in his hopes of land, had violated all the rights of nasuccess. Such a record would be a guide tions, all the principles of justice and of to their conduct in the war, and a land honour. mark on which to fix their attention for On the first principle he had already the attainment of peace. In examining stated, as one of two on which it might the alleged cases of provocation, he had be attempted to justify the necessity of maintained that they were all objects of the present war, as it was most studiously negociation, and such as, till satisfaction disclaimed by ministers, and all but a very was explicitly demanded and refused, did few members of that House, it was unnot justify resorting to the last extremity. necessary for him to say anything. He had perhaps also said, that ministers On the second he had said, that the al. did not appear to have pursued the course leged causes of complaint were not causes which was naturally to be expected from of war previous to negociation, and on their professions. He did not mean to this point his opinions were not new, as charge them with adopting one principle they had formerly been called, but such as for debate and another for action; but he had always entertained, from the he thought they had suffered themselves first moment of his forming opinions to be imposed upon, and misled by those upon such subjects; neither were they who wished to go to war with France on singular. He had since looked into the account of her internal government, and writers on the law of nations, and by all and therefore took all occasions of repre- the most approved it was laid down as an senting the French as utterly and irre. | axiom, that injuries, be they what they concileably hostile to this country. It may, are not the just cause of war, till was always fair to compare the conduct reparation and satisfaction have been of men in any particular instance with fairly and openly demanded and evaded, their conduct on other occasions. If the , or refused. Some of them even went so rights of neutral nations were now loudly far as to say, that reparation and satisheld forth; if the danger to be appre- faction ought to be demanded, both prebended from the aggrandizement of any vious and subsequent to the declaration power was magnified as she just cause of of war in order to make that war just. the present war ; and if, on looking to Our causes of complaint against France another quarter, we saw the rights of Poa were, first, the attempt to open the naland, of a neutral and independent nation, vigation of the Scheldt ; second, the deopenly trampled upon, its territory in- cree of the 19th of November, supposed vaded, and all this for the manifest ag- to be directed against the peace of other grandizement of other powers, and no nations; third, the extension of their terwar declared or menaced, not even a re- ritory by conquest. The first of these monstrance interposed—for if any had was obviously and confessedly an object been interposed, it was yet a secret- of negociation. The second was also to could we be blamed for suspecting that be accommodated by negociation; bethe pretended was not the real object of cause an explanation that they did not the present war—that what we were not mean what we understood by it, and a told, was in fact the object, and what stipulation that it should not be acted we were told, only the colour and pre- upon in the sense in which we under. text?

stood it, was all that could be obtained The war, however, be the real cause even by war. The third was somewhat what it might, would be much less cala- more difficult, for it involved in it the mitous to this country, if, in the prose- evacuation of the countries conquered, cution of it, we could do without allying and security that they should in no sense ourselves with those who had made war be annexed to France; and no such se. on France, for the avowed purpose of in- curity could, perhaps, at present be deterfering in her internal government; if vised. But if we were aware of this; if we could avoid entering into engagements we saw that during the war the French that might fetter us in our negociations are engaged in with other powers, they for peace; since negociation must be the had no such security to offer; if we knew issue of every war that was not a war of that we were asking what could not be absolute conquest, if we should shun the given, the whole of our pretended negodisgrace of becoming parties with those ciation, such as it had been, was a farce and a delusion : not an honest endeavour culpable, they were publicly ordering M. to preserve the blessings of peace, but a Chauvelin to quit the kingdom within fraudulent expedient to throw dust in the eight days, but privately telling him that eyes of the people of this country, in he might stay and negociate ; while they order that they might be hurried blindly were waiting for propositions from M. into a war. The more he attended to the Maret, which M. Maret did not make; printed correspondence, the oftener he while they were sending instructions to read lord Grenville's letter to M. Chau- lord Auckland to negociate with general velin, so repeatedly alluded to, the more Dumourier, lord Auckland was writing convinced he was how extremely deficient that silly and insulting paper by their inwe had been in communicating the terms structions; for if he had written such a on which we thought peace might be paper without instructions he was very un. maintained. We told them they must fit for his situation, and must have been inkeep within their own territory; but how stantly recalled. Thus, while, as they prewere they to do this when attacked by tended, they were courting peace, they were two armies, that retired out of their ter- using every maneuvre to provoke war. ritory only to repair the losses of their For these reasons, he should move, that first miscarriage, and prepare for a fresh ministers had not employed proper means irruption? When to this studied con- for preserving peace, without sacrificing cealment of terms were added the haugh- the honour or the safety of this country. ty language of all our communications, He came next to consider their conand the difficulties thrown in the way of duct with respect to Poland. He had all negociation, we must surely admit, formerly said, that he wished not to speak that it was not easy for the French to harshly of foreign princes in that House, know with what we would be satisfied, although the period had not long since nor to discover on what terms our amity passed, when it was thought perfectly (not our alliance, for that he had never allowable to talk of the empress of Russuggested, though the imputation had sia as a princess of insatiable ambition, and been boldly made,)-could be conci- of the late emperor, as a prince too faithliated. When to all these he added the less to be relied upon. But when he language held in that House by ministers, spoke of the king of Prussia, he desired although he by no means admitted that to be understood as speaking of the ca. speeches in that House were to be sifted binet of the court of Berlin, whose confor causes of war by foreign powers, any duct he was as free to criticise, as other more than speeches in the French Con- gentlemen the conduct of the Executive vention by us; and last of all, the paper Council of France. In May 1791, a retransmitted by lord Auckland at the volution took place in Poland, on the Hague, to the states general a paper suggestion, certainly with the concurwhich, for the contempt and ridicule it rence, of the king of Prussia ; and, as expressed of the French, stood unpa- was pretty generally imagined, although ralleled in diplomatic history-a paper, not authentically known, with the court in which the whole of them, without dis- of London. By a dispatch to his ministinction, who had been in the exercise of ter at Warsaw, the king of Prussia ex. power since the commencement of the pressed the lively interest which he had revolution, were styled “ a set of wretches always taken in the happiness of Poland, investing themselves with the title of a confirmation of her new constitution, philosophers, and presuming in the dream and his approbation of the choice of the of their vanity to think themselves capa. elector of Saxony, and his descendants, ble of establishing a new order of society, to fill the throne of Poland, made here&c."-how could we hope the French, ditary by the new order of things, after who were thus wantonly insulted, to ex- the death of the reigning king. In 1792, pect that any thing would be considered the empress of Russia, without the least as satisfactory, or any pledge a sufficient plausible pretext, but this change in the security ? Let the House compare lord internal government of the country, inAuckland's language at the Hague with vaded Poland. Poland called upon the the pacific conduct of ministers at home, king of Prussia, with whose express apas represented by themselves. While probation this change had been effected, they were trying every means to conci- for the stipulated succours of an existing liate; while with moderation to an ex- treaty of alliance. He replied, that the cess, which they could not help thinking state of things þeing entirely changed since that alliance, and the present con- principles of the Poles were unexceptionjuncture brought on by the revolution of able; when they were attempting a brave May 1791, posterior to his treaty, it did but unsuccessful resistance to a more not become him to give Poland any as- powerful adversary, their principles were sistance, unless, indeed, she chose to re- not dangerous; but when they were overtrace all the steps of that revolution, and powered by superior force, when they had then he would interpose his good offices laid down their arms and submitted to both with Russia and the emperor to re- their conqueror, when their whole counconcile the different interests. The dif- try was possessed by a foreign army, then ferent interests of foreign powers in the he discovered that they had French prininternal government of a free and inde- ciples among them, subversive of all gopendent nation! It was singular that mi- vernment, and destructive of all society. nisters should be so keen to mark and And how did he cure them of these abostigmatise all the inconsistencies of the minable principles ? Oh! by an admirable French with their former declarations, remedy ! - invading their country, and which had been too greal and too many, taking possession of their towns. Are and yet could see without emotion such they tainted with jacobinism ? Hew down inconsistency, not to say perfidy, as this the gates of Thorn, and march in the Prusconduct exhibited. He was not the de- sian troops. Do they deny that they enfender of the gross departures which tertain such principles? Seize upon Danthad been made by the French from their rick and annex it to the dominions of own principles; but if we thought it un- Prussia. Now, did not this seizure and safe to treat with them, because of their spoil of Poland tend to the aggrandize, perfidy, we had little inducement to unite ment of the powers by whom it was perwith the king of Prussia, who had vio- petrated? Was it not a greater and more lated not only principles, but an express contemptuous violation of the law of natreaty, in a more particular and pointed tions than the French had yet been guilty manner, than they had yet had an oppor- of ? Most undoubtedly it was.

Had we tunity of doing. Among the powers at opposed it? Had we remonstrated against war, or likely to be at war with France, it? If ministers had any such remon. there was no great option of good faith. strances to show, they would produce But the French, it was said, violated their them in due time, and the House would principles, for the sake of robbery and judge of them ; but while none were prorapine, to seize on territory, and plunder duced, or even mentioned, he must preproperty. Let us look again for a mo- sume that none had been made. The inment to the king of Prussia.

vasion of Poland had this material aggraIn 1792 he limited the cause of war vation, that the powers who invaded were against Poland by Russia to the new con. not themselves attacked at the time. stitution which he himself had approved They had not the excuse of the French to and promised to defend. But if once this plead, that they did it in a paroxysm of obnoxious constitution was completely fear and danger, circumstances that prompt subverted, and that excellent old republic nations as well as individuals to many acts (for these crowned heads were great re- of impolicy and injustice. The king of publicans when it suited their convenience) Prussia first connives at or consents to the which had for ages constituted the happi- invasion of Poland. Next, he attempts ness of Poland, re-established on its an- an unprovoked invasion of France, and is cient basis, he would interpose his good foiled. How does he revenge the disgrace offices to conciliate the different interests of his repulse? By increasing his army and restore peace. What, then, prevented on the Rhine, by concentrating his forces him from interposing his good offices ? for a fresh attack? No: he more gallantly Was not the new constitution completely turns round on defenceless Poland, and subverted? Did not the Russian troops indemnifies himself for his losses by seiz. succeed in overrunning Poland? Were ing on towns where he can meet with no they not in possession of the whole coun- resistance. It was not, therefore, on any try? And had not the empress of Russia general system of attention to the balance been able to restore the excellent old re- of Europe that ministers were acting, public? But if she was satisfied with her since while they pretended to consider it success in this respect, not so the king of as of the utmost importance in one case, Prussia. He was a critic in principles. they had suffered it to be most flagrantly When he approved of their revolution, the infringed upon in another.

Having dwelt very copiously on the stance, without having attempted to obimpolicy of viewing, without emotion, the tain redress by negociation. dismemberment of Poland, by three mighty 3. “ That 'it appears to this House, powers, and considering the balance of that in the late negociation between his power engaged only when France had majesty's ministers and the agents of the gained the advantage, Mr. Fox deprecated French government, the said ministers of all things, any thing so infamous as our did not take such measures as were likely being supposed to be a party to this abo- to procure redress, without a rupture, for minable confederacy of kings. In speak- the grievances of which they complained; ing thus freely, he hoped he should not be and particularly that they never stated again accused of treating these monarchs distinctly to the French government any with unnecessary severity. When public terms and conditions, the accession to transactions were in question, it was the which, on the part of France, would right of every one, under whose observa. induce his majesty to persevere in a sys-tion they came, to treat them in the man- tem of neutrality. ner precisely that they appeared to him. 4. “ That it does not appear that the He did so in treating of our own domestic security of Europe, and the rights of in. concerns, and he would take the liberty of dependent nations, which had been stated doing so, whenever foreign politics were in as grounds of war against France, have any ways connected with them. He had been attended to by his majesty's minisbut little means of knowing the private ters in the case of Poland, in the invasion characters, habits, or dispositions of kings; of which unhappy country, both in the and if he had, still, in discussions in that last year, and more recently, the most House, he could not fairly be represented open contempt of the law of nations, and as alluding to any other than the public the most unjustifiable spirit of aggrandizeproceedings that were conducted in their ment has been manifested, without having name ; so that when he spoke of the mea- produced, as far as appears to this House, sures of the cabinet of Berlin, and cen- any remonstrance from his majesty's misured them in the manner which he con- nisters. ceived them to deserve, the personal cha.

5. “ That it is the duty of his majesty's racter of the king of Prussia was by no ministers, in the present crisis, to advise means implicated in that censure. He his majesty against entering into engage. therefore lamented openly, that England ments which may prevent Great Britain could be supposed to be in the least in- from making a separate peace, whenever volved in that detested league. He could the interests of his majesty and his people wish, that if we had quarrels, we should may render such a measure advisable, or fight them by ourselves; or if we were to which may countenance an opinion in Euhave allies, that we should keep our cause rope, that his majesty is acting in concert of quarrel completely separated from theirs with other powers for the unjustifiable purand, without intermeddling with the inter- pose of compelling the people of France nal concerns of the French republic, not to submit to a form of

government not burthen ourselves with any stipulations approved by that nation." which should prevent us at any time from

The first resolution being put, making a separate peace, without the con. Mr. Burke rose. He said that he currence or approbation of those sove- thought no apology was due by the right reigns. Mr. Fox concluded with moving hon. gentleman who preceded him, either the following Resolutions :

to the House or to him, tor fatiguing 1. “ That it is not for the honour or in- them. For himself, he never was one of terest of Great Britain to make war upon those who felt pain in hearing the right France on account of the internal circum- hon. gentleman upon any subject but one, stances of that country, for the purpose and that was, the business now before the either of suppressing or punishing any

opi- House - French politics and French prinnions and principles, however pernicious ciples. Upon any other topic, however in their tendency, which may prevail disposed the right hon. gentleman might there, or of establishing among the French be to repeat what he had said before, bepeople any particular form of government. ing a repetition of such excellent matier as

2. " That the particular complaints always fell from the right hon. gentleman, which have been stated against the con- he should be delighted to hear it - decies duct of the French government are not repetita placebit. The copy of such an exof a nature to justify war in the first in- cellent original, though made for the hun

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