on the 10th of August. The massacre of the 10th of August was never called by its its proper name; the murders committed on that day which murdered the constitution, were not murders, but acts of national justice, of which all were emulous to share the glory. When Brissot, Petion, and their party, had murdered or filled the prisons with their opponents, and obtained power for themselves, they became all of à sudden great lovers of order; but when another party that wished to supplant them murdered these very prisoners, which they were suffered to do unopposed, and were preparing to remove the new men in power, as they had removed their predecessors, then, and not till then, they exclaimed against the massacre of September as a thing totally different from the massacre of August, and in which the nation had no part. What was murder in one month was not murder in another. They reminded him of the directions in old almanacks-in such a month let blood-in such another take cooling physic. But the people were not quite so nice in their distinctions as the Convention. When the latter ordered that the murderers of September should be prosecuted, the fortyeight sections came with an address, and said" these murders were our act; they too were national murders: we were all engaged in them: will you prosecute eight hundred thousand people?" They did not ascribe these murders to the invasion of the Austrian and Prussian armies, an excuse first invented for them in that House; they said, that the persons murdered were aristocrats, who had contrived to get themselves crowded into all the prisons, from which, as from so many forts, they might sally forth on the Jacobins, the first convenient opportunity. What would the hon. gentleman, who was such a critic in plots, say to so well-devised a plot as this? Mr. Burke dwelt upon this topic for a considerable time, enumerating the priests and the women that were murdered. Among these was the princess of Lamballe. It happened that her head was cut off, and it happened, that next day M. Egalité got her jointure. [Mr Fox, by some gesture, expressed his disbelief of this. Mr. Burke hastily asked, if it was untrue? Mr. Fox said, certainly; but not more untrue than much of what he had stated besides. Mr. Burke said, he had stated nothing but on accurate inquiry, and with the proofs in his possession; and any man that said his assertions were untrue, without confuting them, and showing how they were so, was a calumniator. Mr. Fox called to order, a and said, if the right hon. gentleman meant to affront him personally, he should do that elsewhere. With respect to h's assertions, six of them had been confuted in one day. Mr. Burke was again going on with the same subject, when the Speaker reminded him that it had no relation to the question before the House.] Mr. Burke continued. He said, the subject was not introduced into the debate by him. He could not bear patiently attempts to pervert the English character by apologies for murders. A newspaper, the Morning Chronicle, in the month of November, attempted to apologize for those murders, as acts of substantial justice, though shocking to humanity. Mr. Burke pursued his subj ct in the way of question to Mr. Fox, and being again called to order, adverted to Mr. Sheridan's charge of bad taste for introducing the trick of a dagger on a former debate ; whose manner, he said, seemed rather to be borrowed from his new connexions than to be the natural growth of his old principles. He read a long letter from a manufacturer at Birmingham, giving an account of the order given by Dr. Maxwell for making daggers there, and said, the only error he had committed in mentioning the business before, was in stating that three thousand were ordered and seventy two made; whereas in fact ten thousand were ordered, and four thousand had been made. He remarked on some publication by a Mr. Oswald, now in Paris, who expressed his hopes that all government by representation would soon be at an end, and that France would be freed from the iron yoke of property. This was now in agitation all over France. The old proprietors were pretty well got rid of by murder or confiscation. Those who had shared in the plunder were endeavouring to make a stand, but they would soon be overpowered. The sovereignty of the people was the most false, wicked, and mischievous doctrine that ever could be preached to them. It was false, because they had no means of exercising their sovereignty. And why was it broached? Under a delusion, to strip them of their natural guardians, to kill the shepherd and his dogs, and make way for the wolves. If the majority of the public was to be taken not by weight, but by tale, the most ignorant would elect, and none but the crafty and the wicked would be elect 555] The Colonel Macleod said, the right hon. gentleman had ventured to renew one of the most unconstitutional propositions he had ever laid down, namely, that the living mass of humanity did not enter into the constitution. With respect to the insurrections in Scotland, he quoted a recorded speech by the president of the court of session, expressing the surprise and concern of the court, on being informed of these insurrections by the king's proclamation, and the debates in parlia ment. Thus these insurrections, which had been stated as the cause of the late extraordinary measures, were totally unknown to the fifteen judges of Scotland, till signified to them by the proclamation, which they could not believe, till confirmed by the debates in parliament. ed. It was said to be dangerous to intro- | pursued this allusion to a considerable duce an opposition of interest between length, tending to convey an idea that the rich and the poor. Was not this very Mr. Fox had acted during the present opposition now the question all over session without consulting with his friends. France and Flanders? The right hon. Fears, the right hon. gentleman said, had gentleman who warned the House of this made a chancellor. In times of difficulty danger, said, the man who possessed no and danger, those who saw the danger, were meritorious in accepting offices of property had as much interest in the constitution and good order of society trust and responsibility. In such times as the man who did. True, an interest every sacrifice to the public good must visible to every well-informed man, but by be made by every good citizen. no means so to the ignorant. The mo- right hon. gentleman himself had sacriment that equality and the sovereignty of ficed no interest to the value of a cat's set up. Mr. the people was adopted as therule of go- whisker. He was only sacrificing to the vernment, property would be at an end, vilest idol that ever was and religion, morality, and law, which Burke concluded with discussing the difference between party and faction, and grew out of property, would fall with it. The right hon. gentleman had talked expressing his entire disapprobation of the of desertions from the party of which he present motion. was the leader, from weariness of travelling so long in the barren track of opposition. The deserts of Arabia had no charms for these deserters: but perhaps, if a caravan travelling through these deserts should find that their leader, from passion or obstinacy, had wandered from the right road, and that by following him they were in danger of being attacked by some plundering sheik, they might be allowed to think a little of their own safety, and take measures for securing it, independent of the caravan bashaw. He could say for himself, that he had deserted no party, and that of those with whom he had been accustomed to act there was not one that differed from him in opinion on the present state of affairs, or disapproved of a single vote he had given in the course of the present session. Those who had incidentally joined that party by the way had no claim upon him. He had a high opinion of the right hon. gentleman's abilities, but he could not submit his judgment implicitly to the abilities of any man. The right hon. gentleman had learned from Dr. Price, that kings might be cashiered, but seemed to forget that the leaders of parties could do wrong. Yet if the leader should seem to consider the party as made only for him, instead of considering himself as but a part of it; if he should adopt a line of conduct with out consent or consultation; if he should make speeches and motions, as if he meant to say, "you dislike what I did to day, I will do more to-morrow; if you disapprove of what I do to-morrow, worse awaits you for the day after that;" it might then be supposed that the party was at liberty to leave him. Mr. Burke Mr. Sheridan said, that the gentlemen. who opposed his motion had said so little that was applicable, and that little tending rather to confirm, than to refute the propriety of it, that he had nothing to reply to. With respect to any harshness of expression imputed to him, no affectation of candour should ever induce him to spare those whose conduct seemed studiously calculated to throw discredit on the principles he maintained, or the friends with whom he acted. Major Maitland said, he had no personal acquaintance with Dr.Maxwell, but he knew, from undoubted information, that the daggers ordered by him were intended for no such purpose as had been insinuated, but as a weapon for horsemen, armed with rifles. The same construction might, with equal plausibility, have been put upon the daggers of a company of light horse, armed in the same manner in the American war, The motion was negatived without a di- | pride and the cause of our happiness, but vision. The King's Message respecting employing a Body of Hanoverian Troops.] Mr. Secretary Dundas presented the following Message from his Majesty: "GEORGE R. "His Majesty having judged it expedient to employ in the service of Great Britain a body of his Electoral troops, for the purpose of assisting his allies the States-general of the United Provinces, and of prosecuting in the most effectual manner the just and necessary war in which his majesty is engaged, his majesty has directed an estimate to be laid before the House of Commons of the charge attending the employment of the said troops; and his majesty relies on the zeal of his faithful Commons, that they will be ready to make the necessary provision for maintaining the same. G. R." The Message was ordered to be referred to the consideration of the Committee of Supply. Debate on the Budget.] March 11. The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, to which the several accounts relating to the revenue were ordered to be referred, Mr. Chancellor Pitt rose. He said, that on entering into the inquiry which was about to occupy the attention of the Committee, it was scarcely possible to forbear from making some observations on the present existing circumstances of the country. The House having pledged itself, and, in so doing, having pledged, the country, to prosecute the just and necessary war in which we were involved, with vigour and effect, he thought it his duty to take the first opportunity of laying before the committee a full, accurate, and impartial statement of the expenses of the present year, and the resources from which he proposed to supply them. In the course of this investigation, it would be necessary for the House to recollect the opinion it had expressed of the nature of the struggle in which we were involved, and with which opinion it had approached the foot of the throne. According to the terms of this spontaneous declaration, the House had avowed, that the nation was engaged in a contest in support of a beloved monarch who had been derided and vilified by our inveterate enemies-of a constitution which was the source of our which had been first ridiculed and despised, and finally was sought to be overthrown by these same enemies of the laws under which we lived, and by which we were protected-of the religion which our ancestors professed, and on which we rested our hopes of felicity-and, lastly, of our liberties and privileges as an inde pendent state. From the energy of the executive government, the country have to expect every thing-and the executive government have to expect, and will certainly receive the unanimous support of this House as long as they shall continue to adopt such measures as may contribute to the vigour of operation. Though he could not help lamenting the necessity he was under of continuing burthens which, on their being first imposed, were intended to be merely temporary, yet he was fortified by this consideration, that any attempt to alleviate these burthens just now, would only add to their future pressure. At this eventful moment, it was his business to forego the consideration of what was past, and make provision for the exigences of the present moment. A vigorous and active prosecution of the war was now the most indispensable duty, as well as the highest interest, of the nation. In making provisions for the public service, it was his wish to meet the desires of the House, and of the people at large. In a season of emergency like the present, large expenses could not be avoided, nor ought they to be spared. True economy would consist, not in limiting the extent of our expenditure on the estimate which, in the commencement of a war, could seldom be formed with much accuracy, but in a vigilant attention to the proper application of the funds voted for the public service. The latter the public had certainly every title to expect; and in return he would look with confidence to the country for every degree of assistance and support. Whatever degree of exertion we might be called upon to make, it was not his intention to delude the community. It was his intention to lay before the House, annually, an account of the public income and expenditure, during the continuance of the war, in the same way that he had been accustomed to do in time of peace. The committee would certainly recollect, that it was impossible to specify every contingent expense which might arise during the course of hostilities; but in general it was his intention to bring every article of ex pense capable of being ascertained within discharging the national debt; and it was the account of the current year, and not also his intention not barely to suffer this suffer the surplus to accumulate, and which, annual million to remain untouched, but by that means, at the return of peace, likewise to add to this fund the sum of would only come upon the people with 200,000l. every year. He would also avoid additional pressure. He likewise begged an accumulation of unfunded debt, and in leave to inform the Committee, that it general endeavour to bring every sum was his design never to forget the system which was expended to account annually. which he had introduced, and from which Mr. Pitt here stated the supplies necesso much advantage had already been de- sary to be provided for: rived, of setting aside an annual million for In these calculations he had estimated the excess according to the lowest computation of these expenses on the peace establishment. There were, however, certain articles of expenditure which he had before stated to be of a contingent nature. The House at present had only voted 45,000 seamen, who had an allowance of 47. a month per man; but considering the important nature of the contest in which we were involved, and the powerful maritime allies by whom we were assisted, he did not mean to say that the strength of this country would not be further exerted. £.11,182,213 3 8 The committee would also remember, that perhaps it might be deemed expedient to increase the monthly allowance which was made to the seamen already voted. The transports which must be employed in sending our troops into Holland-other foreign forces, as well as the 12,000 Hanoverians being taken into British pay, or perhaps encampments, were all articles of expense, of the possibility of which he wished to warn the committee. Some part of this expenditure might be provided for from the fund which had been set apart for the relief of the American loyal [562 ists, and from the profits arising from the extraordinary expenses at one million and lottery. He would not, however, pledge a half. This sum he proposed to raise by himself for the sufficiency of all these granting exchequer bills to its amount, sources of supply: the experience of on a vote of credit; though, at the same what had happened during the first years time, as he did not wish to increase the of the war before the last, during which circulation of these bills, he intended to period the expenditure had always gone discharge those which were already issued, beyond the provisions made for it, would to the amount of one million and a half. be a sufficient reason to deter him from so-Mr. Pitt next proceeded to state the doing. In order, therefore, fairly to ways and means by which these expenses meet this difficulty, he had estimated these were to be defrayed: 3,209,000 Money from the commissioners for the national debt, including the annual contribution of 200,0001..... 1,650,000 Continuation of temporary taxes. 255,000 With repect to the surplus on the revenue of last year, though he had not calculated that it would arise till April 1793, yet he had the satisfaction of informing the committee it had arisen so early as the 5th of January last. He had last year stated the produce of the consolidated fund considerably within its value, and he was resolved to use the same caution upon the present occasion. However sanguine his expectations might be, yet as it was absurd to form any calculation on the chances of war, he thought it most proper to make a calculation on the average produce of the four last years, deducting from the amount of such product the sums arising from taxes which have been since repealed, and the arrears which may be due of those which still remain. It was likewise his design to continue the temporary taxes which had been voted on account of the Spanish armament. They had been attended with no particular inconvenience to the country, and would consequently be submitted to with less reluctance than any fresh imposts. There was one article in the account, which he imagined would hardly escape without any animadversion -an article which, when his right hon. friend had mentioned as a possible source of supply, had been ridiculed as visionary [VOL. XXX.] £.8,299,696 and chimerical. He meant the surplus arising from the revenue of the East India company. Though at the time at which the right hon. secretary (Mr. Dundas) had made the remarks, neither he nor any other of his majesty's ministers could foresee the war with Tippoo Saib, nor that in which we were at present involved, yet it must be a ground of congratulation both to themselves and their country, that this prediction had been so amply verified. His right hon. friend had given in his statement of the revenue of India in a manner which tended to provoke inquiry; and as no comment had been made on this statement, the committee must con. clude it was open to no imputation. The same candour and openness had been adopted in bringing this matter before the public at large; and its silence would lead to a similar conclusion. Though no regulations for the government of India, or the commerce of Great Britain with that country, were at present before the House, yet it could hardly be imagined that any would be adopted which could be productive of mischief to the nation, or diminish the advantages resulting to us from our Oriental possessions. The remainder of the sum which was required, he proposed to raise by way [20] |