that France had really declared war chiefly descendants of Scotch and Engagainst them, and that the two states lish colonists; they were for the most might be considered as actually engaged part protestants, it was true, but at the in it. France had passed a variety of same time they were dissenters. In two decrees, every one of which might fairly counties there they were superior in numbe considered as a declaration of war bers to the catholics; but in the other proagainst every government. She had re- vinces, the latter were ten to one. Upon solved to wage an eternal war against an average of the whole, the catholics kings and kingly government; and had were at least four-fifths of the nation. actually received Englishmen at the bar They were now come forward to demand, of the convention, whom, in contempt of not an innovation in the constitution, but the king and parliament, she professed to a restoration of it; the removal of an inconsider as the representatives of the peo-novation. They called for a repeal of ple of England. Was this no provoca- two acts of parliament one of which passtion? Was this no attack upon the go-ed in the beginning of the late reign, which vernment of Great Britain? He entreated deprived them of the right of voting for gentlemen, who were disposed to coun- members of parliament, which they had tenance new doctrines in England, to enjoyed up to that period; the other in take warning by the fate of the virtuous the preceding reign, which deprived them duke de la Rochefoucault. That noble- of the right of serving upon juries. These man of antient lineage, and princely for- people proceeded in the best possible tune, who was adorned by every virtue, way to their emancipation, by petitions, was seduced by the arts of Condorcet to and by degrees; they did not ground countenance the revolution. He was their demands on the rights of man; if vested with a high office of magistracy, they did, he would certainly resist them; under the new constitution; and because but simply on the right which they had he was not disposed to go all the lengths as citizens, to share in the blessings of of the wicked men who found means to the existing constitution of their country; raise themselves to power, he was obliged and in that light their claims appeared so to fly for his life: he was pursued, and, in well founded, as to be, in his mind, irrethe midst of his own tenants, who had sistible. experienced the bounty and munificence of his family, was forced from his carriage, from between his mother and his wife, and in their presence inhumanly butchered. To all the well-meaning advocates for new doctrines, he would hold up the bleeding head of the duke de la Rochefoucault, whom all his virtues could not rescue from the hands of murderers, who feared neither God nor man. “Perish the heart that never learn'd to glow, "For others good, or melt at others woe." Mr. Yorke was astonished at the opposition made to the address, for the purpose of weakening the executive power, at a time when the country was threatened by sedition within, and by insult without. But though the most brilliant eloquence and powerful talents might be found on the other side of the House, he would not look there for patriotism, moderation or candour. The measures taken by administration were justified by prudence, and a regard to the public safety,and if the sword should be drawn, he hoped it might not be too speedily laid aside. He was convinced that we had not arrived to that state in which France might bully us with impunity. Mr. Burke next touched upon Ireland. He said he was attached to that country, because it had given him birth. To England he was bound by the strongest ties of gratitude and love: and should so great a calamity ever happen as a dispute be- Mr. Adam said, that before he entered tween the two countries, it was with the upon the great and momentous subject of latter, which was the country of his adop-debate then depending, rendered more tion, that he would take part. But he feared no such event; the wisdom of the parliament of Ireland would point out the necessity of freeing a great majority of that kingdom from grievances under which they were made to labour, not only without any good to the country, but to its general detriment. In the province of Ulster, he said, the people were momentous, if possible, by the manner in which Mr. Burke had treated it, from calling in aid the passions and prejudices of men to the subject of their deliberation, he was under the necessity of saying a few words in reply to something of a nature rather extraordinary, which had fallen from the last speaker. That hon. gentleman had thrown out an imputation accompanied with a compliment: the imputation, Mr. Adam said, was as groundless as the compliment was just. He had said that a person only had to go to that side of the House to find the most brilliant cloquence and powerful talents, but he could not discern there either patriotism, candour, or moderation. Mr. Adam said, that he had but to look round him, and he found eloquence never exceeded, and talents never surpassed in the history of the world. That whether the hon. gentleman would come across the House to add to them, he could not tell, but this he could assure that hon. gentleman, that he (Mr. Adam) was determined not to pas across the House to look for any thing that could be found there; but above all he was determined not to look there for candour, moderation and patriotism. That every part of the conduct of those who had for years directed his majesty's councils, told him that those virtues were not to be found there; but they were to be found with those to whom the want of them had been imputed. If the learned gentleman meant by moderation a phlegmatic coldness for the interests of their country-by candour, a base suppression of their opinions-by patriotism, a cowardly disinclination to face unfounded clamour, he was ready to allow that his right hon. friend (Mr. Fox), who had all the qualities of understanding and integrity that could distinguish a man or a patriot, and his other friends round him, had neither candour, moderation, or pa. triotism. But if those words bore their original meaning, he would try their right to them with that of any public men in this or any country. He had the happiness to enjoy the confidence, affection, and friendship of his right hon. friend, and he could testify his motives to be as pure as his talents were exalted. When he reflected on the vote of the preceding night, he saw in the character of that small minority enough to give him pleasure-the candour, moderation, and patriotism of the Bentincks, the Russells,and the Cavendishes. That he rejoiced to find these names united now, as they had been formerly, in defence of the constitution, calling for information before they voted approbation, and insuring to the country, by imitating the virtue and patriotism of their ancestors, the continuance of those blessings which their ancestors had bestowed.-Before he ventured to give his opinion, he must secure himself from misrepresentation, as it was almost sure to attach upon anyone who gave the opinion he was going to give. It was supposed, that disregard to property, looseness of morality, and every bad and vicious principle, was to be the consequence of this country negociating with France. Mr. Adam said, he considered such an opinion as a libel upon the good sense and virtue of Englishmen. That he be lieved them to be too much attached to their constitution, and to that system of sound, just morality which had been long the established characteristic of this country, to run the risk of any such corruption. That they heard with horror, and shuddered at the events which crowded the present history of France that the enjoyment of a free constitution gave them rights which were dear to them; that besides it gave them the means of being taught and instructed by men of talents, education, and virtue, in all the different public situations of life. The security of property, he considered to be the safeguard of all morals, and of every duty and obligation in social and civil life. It protected the peasant in his cottage, as much as the prince in his palace; it bound together the different ranks of society, and secured liberty, while liberty, by reciprocally acting upon property secured it." That it was the security which the selfish and ungenerous, as well as the benevolent and charitable, had in their property, which had been the great cause of humanizing mankind. It was that which excited the desire to excellence and pre-eminence; which had built cities, cultivated lands, improved the arts, taught the sciences, and produced all the various blessings of civil life. When that was gone (but in this country it never could be so) bankruptcy, ignorance, rapine, and insincerity would follow. Upon these principles, he desired to have it understood that nothing which he had to say could mean to unhinge that or any other legal or moral obligation. |—He said, that there was a new and most dangerous doctrine taught by Mr. Burke, that sentiment and passion, not safety and security, were to operate in national intercourse. Mr. Adam contended that the last only ought to be the consideration; that the first consideration of a government should be the safety of the state; that that safety was secured by the information arising from agents in foreign courts, by negociations to prevent foreign war, the greatest, and, next to civil war, of all human calamities. He said, that it was the bounden duty of the governors to use every means to avert that evil, but above all, never to allow taste or pas sion to interfere with that important principle of national safety; that upon this principle all wise nations had acted at all times; that during the contest of the red and white roses, the king de facto in this country had been treated with, as well as those de jure; that the Netherlands when they threw off the yoke of Spain-the seven United Provinces-Cromwell-had all been treated with. Why? Because that assemblage of men called a nation, whoever or whatever administered their affairs, became dangerous to neighbouring nations; and therefore the de facto governors were acknowledged, negociations entered into, and wars averted, by the wise policy of considering the safety of the state as the supreme law; not the passion or violence, or indignation, or disgust which might actuate. That besides this, if all was done that could be done by negociating, and nothing resulted, the whole nation would be satisfied, and with one heart and one voice would encounter their difficulties; and by that bravery and spirit, the result of rational freedom, we should maintain the fame for which we had always stood conspicuous among the nations of the earth; but that to rush wildly into a war, was what could never meet the approbation of any temperate or considerate set of men.-Mr. Adam put these arguments in several different aspects, and then entered on some observations respecting the amendment of the night before. He said, amidst all the momentous and impending circumstances there were some which had given him consolation; the manly and glorious stand made against the torrent of exaggerated alarm by his right hon. friend (Mr. Fox), the universal expression of attachment to the constitution, proved the total falsehood of actual insurrection, which he asserted not merely upon the assertion, but upon the argument. For those who had stated it highest, had only said it was sufficient to satisfy the literal words of the act of parliament. Here he severely attacked ministers for the alarm they had given. He said, if they meant to assemble parliament, they should have done it by an unusual exertion of prerogative, not by a measure that must alarm. Upon the face of what had been stated, they could not justify what they had done. If the insur rection was at Dundee, should they have called out the militia in Kent? If at Salisbury, was the militia at Westmoreland the proper force? If at Yarmouth, the militia of Northumberland? If at Shields, that of Essex? He then showed that none of those had amounted to such an insurrection as the law meant, and that they had all been over before the proclamation; and said, if the alarm was for an insurrection in the capital, it did not require & proclamation to call out the militia and assemble the parliament, and thereby alarm the whole country, to enable them to assemble the regiments of horse round the capital. It had been said, that Scotland was in a state of fermentation and discontent. In all countries there might be persons wild and extravagant in their ideas of government, but that was not the general disposition of Scotland. They were a people loyal and attached to the constitution. He was sure that every fermented spirit, if any such there were in that country, would be quieted by a judicious attention to those questions which were to come forward respecting the representation of Scotland, in the course of the present session. Mr. Adam now reverted to the particular question of the negociation. Mr. Burke had asked what hopes there were of success? This, he said, he nor any man could tell; but if it did not make us successful in negociation, it would secure our success in war; it would unite every hand and heart in that inevitable calamity, while a conduct which carried half the nation to war with unwillingness would put a padlock on every sword, and unrudder every ship. Lord Carysfort said, that the restless and ambitious disposition of France rendered it incumbent upon us to join heart and hand in vindicating the rights of Englishmen and of mankind. He said that the armies of France acted more like American buccaneers than like a civilized army. He would not enter into a discussion of the supposed grievances of Scotland; but the political situation of Ireland deserved a few observations. Ireland was never backward in furnishing this country with men to fight her battles, whose loyalty was unimpeachable, and whose courage was invincible. He adverted to the claims of the Catholics. He declared himself averse to that bigotry which would preclude three millions of men, whose loyalty was indisputable, from voting for members of parlia ment. They had the same interests as the Protestants, and ought to have the same privileges. He hoped and trusted that a measure so requisite to allay the popular ferment in that country, would not be wholly neglected. Mr. Dundas entered on a defence of himself and his colleagues. He stated, that a coincidence of circumstances which no human foresight could either foresee or prevent, had conspired to render our immediate interference absolutely necessary in supporting the honour and independence of Britain. There was every reason to apprehend, that the French meditated an attack on Holland; and if England were to abandon the treaty with Holland, she would lose at once the respect hitherto offered to her high character, and be no longer considered by any other nation as worthy of confidence. He then enlarged on the comparative prosperity of this country with that of France, and from the general unanimity and the variety of resources which England possessed, he derived the most flattering hopes, that if we should be forced into a war, its termination would be honourable and advantageous to the British name and people. Mr. Powys considered the political intentions declared by Mr. Fox, to be peculiarly baneful to this country; and that his amendment tended to alienate the people from the executive power. Negociation appeared to him to be impracticable. To whom was an ambassador to be sent? Who could be sure that they who had proscribed our king, would accept an ambassador from him. He approved the speech and the address; they breathed nothing but the faithful preservation of our treaties abroad, and the security of our internal peace. If he had his wish, he would draw a line round France, to prevent the spreading of her infection: he would avoid meddling with her; but if she meddled with us, we had not a choice. The address had his hearty assent. Mr. Fox said, what he meant was what he had said-peace, if it could be had, consistently with the safety and honour of the crown and nation. Mr. Wilberforce said, he should vote against the amendment, not as being determined for war, but because he believed the amendment would by no means tend to peace. He frankly declared, that as, at all times, war ought to be deprecated as the greatest of human evils, so there never was a period when it appeared more likely to be injurious to this country than the present. He preferred to the amendment the language of the address, which, concurring with the speech from the throne, plainly declared that the House approved of the neutrality his majesty's ministers had hitherto observed, and of their determination to avoid a war, if it were possible, consistently with justice. This, he fully trusted, would be the conduct of administration. If we should find ourselves compelled by the obligations of solemn treaties to engage in war, as men of conscience and integrity we must submit to the necessity; but nothing less than this necessity could justify the measure, and he begged it to be understood, that it was on this ground only that he felt it his duty to support government in their pre sent measures The amendment was negatived. The report of the Address was then agreed to. Debate on Mr. Fox's Motion for sending a Minister to Paris to treat with the Provisional Government of France.] Saturday, Dec. 15. After the House had returned from presenting their Address to his majesty, Mr. Fox rose to make his promised motion. After having already said so much on this subject, and feeling how little any thing he could add was likely to be attended to in the present disposition of the House, he should only offer a very few words in the way of previous explanation; indeed, from the indisposition he laboured under, it was physically impossible for him to speak above a few minutes. By his motion he did not mean to imply any approbation of the conduct of the existing French government, or of the proceedings that had led to the present state of things in France. His object was simply to declare and record his opinion, that it was the true policy of every nation to treat with the existing government of every other nation with which it had relative interests, without inquiring or regarding how that government was constituted, or by what means those who exercised it came into power. This was not only the policy, but frequently the practice. If we objected to the existing form of government in France, we had as strong objections to the form of government at Algiers; yet at Algiers we had a consul. If we abhorred the crimes committed in France, we equally abhorred the crimes committed in Morocco; yet to the court of Morocco we had sent a last days from the mover of the amendment. consul almost immediately after the commission of crimes at which humanity shuddered. By these acts we were neither supposed to approve of the form of government at Algiers, nor of the crimes committed in Morocco. From his motion, therefore, no opinionwas to be implied, but the opinion he had stated. It would have been better if what he proposed had been done sooner, and there were circumstances that made it less proper now than at an earlier period. But this was not imputable to him. The earliest period was now the best; and this was the earliest opportunity that the meeting of parliament afforded him. It would have been still better if our minister had not been recalled from Paris, but had continued there as the ministers of some other courts had done. He concluded with moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, that his majesty will be graciously pleased to give directions that a minister may be sent to Paris to treat with those persons who exercise provisionally the functions of executive government in France, touching such points as may be in discussion between his majesty and his allies and the French nation." Mr. Grey seconded the motion. Lord Sheffield reprobated the idea of sending a minister to France. He said it was the vilest of all nations; the gover. nors were a gang of robbers and cut-throats, with whom no communication, no measures, no treaties should be maintained. He said, he did not know how soon the French might be called over into this countryhow soon the best men here might be thrown into a gaol, in order to be dragged: from thence, in a popular phrenzy, and inhumanly butchered. He knew not how soon our women of rank, beauty, and virtue, might be obliged to lie in prisons upon straw, and be violated and murdered. He was almost ashamed of the enthusiasm he had hitherto felt in favour of the right hon. mover. With respect to a war he believed every man wished to avert it. But the surest means of avoiding it would be by vigorous preparation for it. The disturbers of the world when they had overrun other nations, envying and dreading our prosperity, would not fail with double force to visit us. He had not objected to the address, because he would not appear to countenance the many mischievous principles and suggestions which had been heard in that House during the two [VOL. XXX. ] Mr. Thomas Stanley said, he had attended to all that had fallen from the right hon. gentleman who made the motion, for the last three days, with the utmost astonishment. The right hon. gentleman had, in the two former debates, denied what was evident to the whole nation, to every man who would open his eyes. The minds of the people had been poisoned by the arts of the seditious, and they had been kept within bounds only by that wisdom which had advised the late proclamations. But by such speeches as he had heard, every good effect would be destroyed; for nothing could so soon drive the kingdom into open insurrection, as the speeches and propositions of the right hon. gentleman and his friends. Already a cry had been excited against tithes, against taxes, and even against monarchy itself. He dreaded the consequence. He had unfortunately been a spectator of the scenes in Paris on the boasted 10th of August, which had exhibited the most dreadful spectacles of bloodshed and horror. He hoped the right hon. gentleman might be prevailed on to withdraw his motion; for if the distempered part of the people once understood that there were men capable and ready to make and support such propositions, they would go into open insurrection, and shake the peace of the empire. He was sorry the motion had been made, because nobody could entertain a higher respect for the right hon. gentleman's judgment and abilities, or a stronger personal attachment to him, than he did; but considering his duty to his country as the strongest of all attachments he thought it necessary to say thus much. Mr. M. A. Taylor declared, that he subscribed most heartily to every word that had fallen from Mr. Fox for the last three days. He was as zealous as any other man in support of the constitution, but he was not an advocate for the maintenance of abuses. War was at all times a heavy calamity, but was still greater, when it was meant to answer no one good purpose; and it had been admitted, that in a war with France, we had nothing to gain and every thing to lose. Why, then, were gentlemen to be held up to their country as traitors, for endeavouring to avert the calamity? With regard to the time, if we did not negociate now, we might wish to do it when it would not be [G] |