into parliament by Lord Morpeth in 1835, placed it under one head, in immediate communication with the government; and thus a unity of action, and an increased efficiency and vigour were obtained, while a system of discipline was adopted which is likely to make it unequalled by any similar force of any other country. To this end Lord Normanby divested himself of the patronage invariably exercised by previous lords-lieutenant. The Dublin police is now one of the very best corps; and it was formerly the worst that could be seen. Faction fights, which were attended with serious consequences to the public peace, have been completely suppressed. A number of stipendiary magistrates have been appointed under the Constabulary Act, adequate to the wants of the several counties ;--but no one has been appointed to a county with which he was connected, nor unless he had acted as a magistrate, or been called to the bar. A very useful alteration has also been made in the prosecution of offences at the assizes and at quarter-sessions since 1835. Formerly it was not the practice to prosecute in these courts on the part of the Crown, unless in very special cases. Now a large class of offences, chiefly assaults, arising out of riots at fairs and other places, which were previously left to the parties themselves, and often compromised or abandoned, are brought to justice by the crown-solicitors. Some valuable alterations have been introduced into the Petty Sessions Act. A return is now made quarterly, showing the number of petty sessions held, the names of magistrates attending, the amount of fines and penalties levied and how disposed of, and the number of informations received and returned to the clerk of the crown. By this means the government see what is going on in every part of the kingdom. The mode of levying fines imposed on jurors and witnesses, and the estreating of recognisances of persons bound to attend to prosecute, and who failed to do so, have been materially improved. When a judge imposed a fine formerly, it could only be levied by a slow process issuing from the Court of Chancery; and in the mean time the ends of justice were defeated. Now the warrant is handed to the constable instead of the sheriff, who brings up a defaulter, and produces him in court without de

ence to what was miscalled a state of union? the gentlemen of Ireland and the people at large had been cajoled and hoaxed into a belief that the union was to be complete and beneficial; yet it had turned out a mere parchment union, by which Ireland had been so reduced to the last extremity of distress as to cause a danger even of permanent separation. Ministers had not made a single attempt to carry into effect any of the idle promises by which the Irish nation had been duped into a consent to its own destruction and debasement."

The Whig Ministry adopted Lord Bacon's cure for turbulence, and exerted themselves to remove the causes of discontent. In accordance with the maxim "servorum non est respublica," they felt it was necessary to permit men to be free citizens before they could hope to make them good subjects; they therefore commenced by giving effect to the Emancipation Act, and declared that all men should be equal before the law. The ascendency party thereupon ceased to enjoy their monopoly of power,-the triumphal processions of the Orangemen were at an end,-the sheriffs were deprived of their unconstitutional power over the panel,-and the people secured an impartial jury. A national system of education was adopted. The grand-jury laws were amended, and declarations in most cases substituted for oaths. A Board, with a permanent (but very insufficient) fund to be advanced for public works, was established in Dublin. Savings'-banks and Loan societies were extended and placed on a secure foundation. The improvement of the Shannon was commenced-church-rates were abolished-the Church was reformed and collisions in respect of tithe between the clergy and people were terminated. The Petty Sessions Act and the law for the recovery of small debts by Civil Bill were amended. The protection of a Poor-law was afforded to the peasantry, and several attempts were made to establish a good system of municipal government, which we trust is now on the eve of being accomplished. These are some of the means by which the Ministry endeavoured to merge all differences of religion and race in Ireland in the full exercise of equal rights and privileges, political and municipal, and to give peace and prosperity to the country.

The improvements which Ireland owes to Lord Normanby's government are of the most important kind. The police

into parliament by Lord Morpeth in 1835, placed it under one head, in immediate communication with the government; and thus a unity of action, and an increased efficiency and vigour were obtained, while a system of discipline was adopted which is likely to make it unequalled by any similar force of any other country. To this end Lord Normanby divested himself of the patronage invariably exercised by previous lords-lieutenant. The Dublin police is now one of the very best corps; and it was formerly the worst that could be seen. Faction fights, which were attended with serious consequences to the public peace, have been completely suppressed. A number of stipendiary magistrates have been appointed under the Constabulary Act, adequate to the wants of the several counties ;--but no one has been appointed to a county with which he was connected, nor unless he had acted as a magistrate, or been called to the bar. A very useful alteration has also been made in the prosecution of offences at the assizes and at quarter-sessions since 1835. Formerly it was not the practice to prosecute in these courts on the part of the Crown, unless in very special cases. Now a large class of offences, chiefly assaults, arising out of riots at fairs and other places, which were previously left to the parties themselves, and often compromised or abandoned, are brought to justice by the crown-solicitors. Some valuable alterations have been introduced into the Petty Sessions Act. A return is now made quarterly, showing the number of petty sessions held, the names of magistrates attending, the amount of fines and penalties levied and how disposed of, and the number of informations received and returned to the clerk of the crown. By this means the government see what is going on in every part of the kingdom. The mode of levying fines imposed on jurors and witnesses, and the estreating of recognisances of persons bound to attend to prosecute, and who failed to do so, have been materially improved. When a judge imposed a fine formerly, it could only be levied by a slow process issuing from the Court of Chancery; and in the mean time the ends of justice were defeated. Now the warrant is handed to the constable instead of the sheriff, who brings up a defaulter, and produces him in court without de

ors had a power of distraining for the amount of their debts, without reference to what had been previously paid by the tenant. This vexatious proceeding, which frequently led to breaches of the peace, was altered in 1835. In such cases a receiver is now appointed by the court, who collects the amount due by the tenant to the landlord, and pays it among the creditors. In the Civil Bill Courts a great improvement has been effected, to prevent collisions between processservers and parties,-a constantly-recurring source of crime. In case of opposition, the assistant-barrister can now substitute service of process, by directing that posting the notice on some conspicuous place shall be deemed good service.

The clemency of Lord Normanby,—which gave rise to the motion in the House of Lords for fettering the prerogative of the Crown, by laying down certain abstract rules for its guidance in the exercise of mercy, wisely placed at its discretion by the constitution,—has had a most useful effect in Ireland. The people had derived many of their impressions of the constitution from the Insurrection and Coercion Acts. The effect of these severe measures was to bestow a degree of chivalry on crime; and a resistance to the execution of the laws was generally considered in the light of a resistance to tyranny, which the people screened and secretly sanctioned, if they did not loudly applaud. It was reserved for Lord Normanby to show to them the mercy as well as the majesty of justice; and they now begin to respect what they had formerly detested and opposed.

Much has assuredly been done, but much yet remains to be accomplished. We have already entered very fully into the consideration of the several legislative measures that we believe to be necessary to stimulate the action of industry in Ireland, which must precede, and invite English capital. We have combated the fallacy, that national works should be altogether abandoned until the period may arrive when private projectors consider it their interest to undertake them, and have endeavoured to show, that in all civilized states the formation of leading lines of communication has been an especial object of the attention of government. In our number for July, 1838, we referred to the calculations of some eminent

that may not for a long period become productive to a private speculator, are often an immediate source of wealth to the state, by employing labour, increasing production, and consequently augmenting revenue.

The report of the Railway Commissioners of Ireland which afterwards appeared, fully coincided with our views, directed the attention of Parliament to the essential difference between railways and other public works, and predicted that it would be found necessary to restrict the powers and privileges which had been conceded to private companies by legislative regulations, enforced by effective superintendence and control. The second report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons appointed to inquire into the state of communication by railways has appeared since the close of the last session. The Committee have particularly remarked the difficulties that arise from an extended inter-communication throughout the country, solely maintained by companies acting for their private interests, unchecked by competition and uncontrolled by authority.

The danger that might result to the interests of the public by giving to a private company a monopoly of the entire traffic of a great line of communication, was foreseen by Parliament, and there was an attempt made to obviate this evil by requiring a provision to be introduced into nearly all the Acts by which private companies were incorporated, for enabling other persons to place and run engines and carriages on the roads, upon payment of certain tolls to the companies. This provision, however, has proved quite useless. There are other arrangements not provided for by the Acts, which are as necessary as the payment of tolls, to open railroads to public competition. It is essential to supply the engine with water, to take up or set down passengers, and several other matters, upon which companies are left to make their own terms; and as it is not their interest to admit parties to compete with themselves, it is not likely that they would be inclined to afford to them the requisite facilities. Besides, it is essential, in order to secure the safety of the public, that there should be one system of management, under one superintending authority, which should have the power of making and enforcing all necessary regulations; and this