cions, and to restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union;" the Prefident of the Directory addreffed the recalled minifter in the following terms: "In prefenting to-day to the Executive Directory your letters of recall, you give to Europe a ftrange fpectacle. France, rich in her liberty, furrounded with the train of her victories, strong in the esteem of her allies, will not abafe herself by calculating the confequences of the condefcenfions of the American government to the fuggeftions of its ancient tyrants. The French republic hopes, moreover, that the fucceffors of Columbus, Raleigh, and Penn, always proud of their liberty, will never forget that they owe it to France. They will weigh in their wifdom the magnanimous good will of the French people with the crafty carelles of certain perfidious perfons, who meditate to bring them back to their ancient flavery. Affure, Mr. Minifter, the good American people, that like them we adore liberty; that they will always have our esteem, and that they will find in the French people that republican generofity, which knows as well how to grant peace as to caufe its fovereignty to be refpected."

The change of a minifter is an ordinary act for which no government is accountable to another, and which has not heretofore been "a ftrange fpectacle" in France, or in any other part of Europe. It appears to be a measure not of itself calculated to draw on the government making fuch change, the strictures or the refentments of the nation to which the minifter is deputed. Such an effect, produced by fo inadequate a cause, could not fail to command attention, while it excited furprise.

This official fpeech, addreffed by the government of France to that of the United States, through its minifter, charges that government with condefcenfions to the fuggeftions of its ancient tyrants, fpeaks of the crafty careffes of certain perfidious perfons who meditate to bring back the fucceffors of Columbus, Raleigh, and Penn, to their ancient flavery, and defires the minifter to affure, not his government, but the good people of America, that they will always have the esteem of France, and that they will find in the French people that republican generofity which knows as well how to grant peace as to cause its fovereignty to be respected.

That a minister fhould carry any affurances from a foreign government to the people of his nation, is as remarkable as the difference between the manner in which his government and his people are addreffed. His government are charged with condefcenfion to the fuggestions of the ancient tyrants of his country, but the people are confidered as loving liberty, and they are to be affured of the perpetual efteem of France. This esteem they are to weigh againit the crafty careffes of those perfidious perfons who meditate to bring them back to their former flavery.

When this fpeech, thus addreffed directly to the government and people of the United States, in the face of Europe and the world, came to be confidered in connexion with other meafures; when it came to be confidered in connexion with the wide-spreading devastation to which their commerce was fubjected, with the cruel feveritics practifed on their feamen, with the recall of the minifter of Franee from the United States, and the very extraordinary manner in which that recall was fignified by him both to the government and people, with the refufal even to hear the meffenger of peace, deputed from the United States for the fole purpose of conciliation; it could not fail to make on the American mind a deep and a serious impreffion. It was confidered as a fact too important to be held from the Congrefs, by that department of the government which is charged with the duties of maintaining its intercourfe with foreign nations, and of making communications to the legislature of the Union. The Prefident, therefore, did communicate it in the following words: "With this conduct of the French government it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minifter of the United States on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The fpeech of the Prefident difclofes fentiments more alarming than the refufal of a minifter, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at the fame time ftudiously marked with indignities towards the government of the United States. It evinces a difpofition to feparate the people of the United States from the government; to perfuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interefts, from thofe of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chofen to manage their common concerns; and thus to produce divifions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decifion which fhall convince France and the world, that we are not a degraded ple, humiliated under a colonial fpirit of fear and fenfe of inferiority, fitted to be the miferable inftruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honour, character, and intereft.

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"Ifhould have been happy to have thrown a veil over these tranfactions, if it had been poffible to conceal them; but they have paffed on the great theatre of the world, in the face of all Europe and America, and with fuch circumstances of publicity and folemnity, that they cannot be difguifed, and will not foon be forgotten; they have inflicted a wound in the American breaft. It is my fincere defire, however, that it may be healed."

It is hoped that this communication will be viewed in its true light, that it will no longer be confidered as a denunciation of the Executive Directory, but as the ftatement of an all-important fact by one department of the American government to another, the making of which was enjoined by duties of the highest obligation.

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The underfigned have now, Citizen Minifter, passed through the complaints you urge against the government of the United States. They have endeavoured to confider thofe complaints impartially, and to weigh them in the scales of justice and of truth. If any of them be well founded, France herfelf could not demand more readily, than America would make, reparation for the injury fuftained. The Prefident of the United States has faid, "If we have committed errors, and thefe can be demonftrated, we fhall be willing to correct them; if we have done injuries, we fhall be willing, on conviction, to redrefs them." Thefe difpofitions on the part of the government have been felt in all their force by the undersigned, and have conftantly regulated their conduct.

The underfigned will not refume, Citizen Minifter, the painful task of re-urging the multiplied injuries which have been accumulated on their country, and which have been in fome degree detailed in their memorial of the 17th January laft. They cannot, however, decline to remonftrate against a meafure which has been announced fince that date. The Legislative Councils of the French republic have decreed that,

ft. "The condition of fhips, in every thing which concerns their character as neutrals or enemies, fhall be determined by their cargo; confequently every veffel found at fea, laden in whole or in part with merchandise coming out of England, or its poffeffions, fhall be declared good prize, whoever may be the proprietors of fuch commodities or merchandise."

2dly. "No foreign veffel, which in the courfe of its voyage fhall have entered into an English port, fhall be admitted into any port of the French republic, but in the cafe of neceffity; in which cafe fuch veffel fhall be obliged to depart from fuch port so soon as the caufe of entry shall have ceased."

This decree too deeply affects the interefts of the United States to remain unattended to by their minifters. They pray you, therefore, Citizen Minifter, to receive their refpectful reprefentations concerning it.

The object of the decree is, to cut off all direct intercourfe between neutrals and Great Britain, or its poffeffions, and to prevent the acquifition, even by circuitous commerce, of thofe articles which come from England or its dominions.

The right of one nation to exchange with another the furplus produce of its labour, for thofe articles which may fupply its wants or adminifter to its comfort, is too effential to have been ever claffed among thofe admitted to be in any degree doubtful. It is a right, in ceding which a nation would cede the privilege of regulating its own interefts and providing for its own welfare. When any two nations fhall choose to make war on each other, they have never been confidered, nor can they be confidered as thereby authorizing themfelves to impair the effential rights of

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those who may choofe to remain at peace. Confequently thefe rights, the free exercise of which is effential to its interefts and welfare, must be retained by a neutral power, whatever nations may be involved in a war.

The right of a belligerent to reftrain a neutral from affifting his enemy by fupplying him with thofe articles which are defined as contraband, has been univerfally fubmitted to; but to cut off all intercourfe between neutrals and an enemy, to declare that any fingle article which may have come from the poffeffions of an enemy, whoever may be its owner, fhall of itself be fufficient to condemn both veffel and cargo, is to exercise a control over the conduct of neutrals which war can never give, and which is alike incompatible with their dignity and their welfare.

war.

The rights of belligerents are the fame. If this might be exercifed by one, fo might it be exercifed by every other. If it might be exercifed in the prefent, fo it might be exercised in every future This decree is, therefore, on the part of France, the practical affertion of a principle which would deftroy all direct or circuitous commerce between belligerent and neutral powers, which would often interrupt the bufinefs of a large portion of the world, and withdraw or change the employment of a very confiderable portion of the human race.

This is not all. It is the exercise of a power which war is not admitted to give, and which, therefore, may be affumed in peace as well as war.

It effentially affects the internal economy of nations, and deranges that course of industry which they have a right to pursue, and on which their profperity-depends.

To acquiefce, therefore, in the existing state of things, under a principle fo extenfive and fo pernicious, is to establish a precedent for national degradation which can never cease to apply, and which will authorize any measures which power may be difpofed to practise.

France, therefore, will perceive that neutral governments, whatever may be their difpofitions towards this republic, are impelled by duties of the higheft obligation, to remonftrate against a decree, which at the fame time invades their interefts and their independence, which takes from them the profits of an honest and lawful industry, as well as the ineftimable privilege of conducting their own affairs as their own judgments may direct.

It is hoped that the remonstrances of the United States on this fubject will derive additional force from their fubfifting engagements with France, and from a fituation peculiar to themselves.

The twenty-third article of the treaty of amity and cominerce of the 6th of February 1778, is in these words: "It fhall be lawful for all and fingular the fubjects of the most Christian King, and the citizens, people, and inhabitants of the faid United States,

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to fail with their fhips, with all manner of liberty and fecurity, no diftinction being made who are the proprietors of the merchandifes laden thereon, from any port to the places of those who now are, or hereafter thall be at enmity with the mcft Chriftian King or the United States. It fhall likewife be lawful for the fubjects and inhabitants aforefaid, to fail with the thips and merchandifes afore-mentioned, and to trade with the fame liberty and fecurity from the places, ports, and havens of thofe who are enemies of both or either party, without any oppofition or disturbance whatfoever, not only directly from the places of the enemy before mentioned to neutral places, but alfo from one place belonging to an enemy, to another place belonging to an enemy, whether they be under the jurifdiction of the faid prince, or under feveral. And it is hereby ftipulated, that free ships fhall alfo give a freedom to goods, and that every thing fhall be deemed to be free and exempt which fhall be found on board the fhips belonging to the fubjects of either of the confederates, although the whole lading, or any part thereof, fhould appertain to the enemies of either; contraband goods being always excepted. It is alfo agreed, in like manner, that the fame liberty be extended to perfons who are on board a free fhip, with this effect, that although they be enemies to both or either party, they are not to be taken out of that free fhip, unless they are foldiers, and in actual fervice of the enemy.'

The two nations contemplating and providing for the cafe when one may be at war, and the other at peace, folemnly ftipu late and pledge themfelves to each other, that in fuch an event the fubjects or citizens of the party at peace may freely trade with the enemy of the other, may freely fail with their fhips in all manner of fecurity, to and from any port or place belonging to fuch enemy. Not only goods coming from the hoftile territory, but the very goods of the enemy himself, may be carried with fafety in the veffels of either of the contracting parties.

You will perceive, Citizen Minifter, without requiring the underfigned to execute the painful tafk of drawing the contraft, how openly and entirely the decree of the Councils oppofes itself to the treaty between France and the United States.

In addition to the hitherto unceded rights of a fovereign and independent nation, in addition to the right ftipulated by compact, the undersigned will refpectfully fubmit other confiderations growing out of the peculiar fituation of the United States, manifefting the particular hardships the decree complained of must impofe on them.

In poffeffion of a rich, extenfive, and unfettled country, the labour of the United States is not yet fufficient for the full culti vation of its foil, and confequently but a very fmall portion of it can have been applied to manufactures. Articles of the firft

neceffity