neceffity and comfort are imported in exchange for provifions and for the raw materials which are the growth of the country, and which its inhabitants are accustomed to raise.

It is at any time extremely difficult, nor is it practicable without great lofs, to change fuddenly the habits of a whole people, and that courfe of induftry in which their population and their real interefts have engaged them. An agricultural cannot fuddenly, and at will, become a manufacturing people; the United States cannot inftantaneously, on the mere paffing of a decree, transfer to the manufacture of articles heretofore imported, fuch a portion of their labour as will at the fame time furnith a market for the furplus commodities, and a fupply for the wants of the cultivator of the foil. It is therefore fcarcely poffible for them to furrender their foreign commerce.

Independent of the right they poffefs in common with others to fearch for and choofe the beft markets, it is believed that the fupplies they need could with difficulty, in the actual state of the world, be completely furnished, without the aid of England and its poffeffions. It is not pretended that France manufactures at prefent for foreign confumption, nor do the underfigned fuppofe that there exifts a market where the citizens of the United States can obtain in exchange the articles they need and are accustomed to confume, if thofe coming out of England and its poffeffions be entirely excluded. A variety of other confiderations, and efpecially the difficulties individuals must encounter in fuddenly breaking old and forming new connexions, in forcing all their commerce into channels not yet well explored, in trading without a fufficient capital to countries where they have no credit, combine to render almoft impoffible an immediate diffolution of commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain.

If then the decree complained of thall be executed on American veffels, it can only increase grievances already but too confiderable, and transfer the carriage of English manufactures for American confumption, from their own to British bottoms, failing under the protection of a convoy. Instead of wounding England, it will probably aggrandize its marine, by facrificing the remnant of that of the United States, and by deftroying that fyftem of policy by which they have heretofore fought to give their own vellels that portion of their own carrying trade, which would otherwife be enjoyed by British merchants.

You have made fome general animadverfions on the government of the United States, which the undersigned feel themselves bound briefly to notice.

You have charged that government with giving inftructions not in the fincere intention of arriving at pacific refults, and yet the undersigned have offered to change thofe claufes in the treaty

of

of 1778, which have become inconvenient to France, and to repair any injuries which may have been committed.

You have charged that government with omitting nothing to prolong and augment the mifunderstanding between the two republics; but does not the fact, that the undersigned are now in Paris, furnish perfuafive evidence to the contrary?

You have charged it with fearching to justify, by deceitful appearances, the prejudices with which it furrounds at pleasure the name of the republic, and the fyftem of exafperation and feparation pursued in this refpect with the ftrangeft obftinacy. But has not this republic, in terms the moft cordial, been again and again entreated to enter into a candid inveftigation of the mutual complaints of the two nations? Have not thefe entreaties been unnoticed, whilft the minifters deputed to make them have remained unaccredited?

You have charged it with wifhing to feize the first favourable occafion for confummating an intimate union with a power, towards which a devotion and a partiality are profeffed which have Jong constituted the principle of the conduct of the federal government; but whilft no devotion or partiality has been expreffed for any nation except France, have not the United States made, and are they not ftill making the most extraordinary efforts to restore the broken relations between the two republics?

In a letter difcuffing the important interefts of two great nations, the underfigned are unwilling to introduce what relates perfonally to themselves.

This unwifhed-for tafk has been rendered a duty, by afcribing to them opinions and relations which exift in imagination only, and by adducing thofe fuppofed opinions and relations as proofs of an indifpofition, on the part of the government which has deputed them, towards that accommodation which has been fought fo unremittingly through all thofe difficulties and impediments with which the purfuit has been embarralled.

You are pleafed to add, that thefe intentions are fo little difguifed," that nothing feems to have been neglected at Philadelphia, to manifeft them to every eye. It is probably with this view that it has been judged proper to fend to the French republic, perfons whofe opinions and relations are too well known to hope from them difpofitions fincerely conciliatory."

The opinions and relations of the underfigned are purely American, unmixed with any particle of foreign tint. If they poffefs a quality on which they pride them felvés, it is an attachment to the happinefs and welfare of their country; if they could at will felect the means of manifefting that attachment, it would be by effecting a fincere and real accommodation between France and the United States, on principles promoting the interefts of both, and confiftent with the independence of the latter.

It requires no affurance to evince that every real American muft with fincerely to extricate his country from the ills it fuffers, and from the greater ills with which it is threatened; but all who love liberty, muft admit that it does not exist in a nation which cannot exercise the right of maintaining its neutrality. If "opinions and relations," fuch as thefe, are incompatible with "difpofitions fincerely conciliatory," then indeed has the federal government chofen unfit inftruments for the expreffions of its pacific difpofition.

You contraft the conduct obferved by the United States, under. analogous circumftances, towards the cabinet of St. James's, with that which is obferved towards this republic. You fay, that on that occafion there was a folicitude to fend to London minifters well known to poffefs fentiments conformable to the objects of their miffion; that the republic has a right to count upon a fimilar deference; and that if a like attention has not been obferved with refpect to it, it is too probable that it must be attributed to the views already indicated.

If, unfortunately, the cafes fhall exhibit a contraft, it is not to be found in the characters the United States have thought proper to employ, or in the conduct of their government, otherwife than by the fuperior attention manifefted towards this republic, and never shown to any other nation, in deputing to it, with ample powers, three envoys extraordinary and minifters plenipotentiary from the three great divifions of the United States. The minifters fent to the cabinet of St. James's greatly deferved the confidence of their country; but they did not poffefs fentiments more conformable to the objects of their miffion than thofe de- puted to this republic. They did not wifh more ardently to effect reconciliation; nor is it believed that any perfons who could have been deputed to that cabinet, would have fubmitted to greater facrifices in order to obtain it. Had their application for compenfation for paft injuries, and fecurity against their future commiffion, been only met by requifitions, a compliance with which would involve their nation in ills of which war perhaps might not be the most confiderable; had all attempts to remove unfavourable impreffions failed, and all offers to make explanations been rejected; can it be believed, that other minifters (the first having been ordered out of the nation) would have waited fix months unaccredited, foliciting permiffion to difplay the upright principles on which their government had acted, and the amicable fentiments by which it was animated?

The underligned are induced, Citizen Minifter, to pray your attention to thefe plain truths, from a conviction that they manifeft unequivocally the friendly temper of the federal government, and the extreme reluctance with which the hope of an accommodation with France would be relinquished. 31

VOL. VII.

The

The underfigned obferve, with infinite regret, that the difpo fition manifefted to treat with the minifter who might be felected by this government, is not accompanied with any affurances of receding from thofe demands of money heretofore made the confiderations on which alone a ceffation of hoftility on American commerce could be obtained, to which the underfigned have not the power to accede, with which the United States would find it extremely difficult to comply, and a compliance with which would violate that faith pledged for the obfervance of neutrality, and would involve them in a difaftrous war with which they have no concern. Nor do you answer to the applications which have been made for compenfation to the citizens of the United States for property which fhall be proved to have been taken contrary to the law of nations and exifting treaties, otherwise than that you are willing to difcufs cafes where there has been a departure from certain principles, which principles, in fact, involve almost every cafe.

You have fignified, Citizen Minifter, that the Executive Directory is difpofed to treat with one of the envoys, and you hope that this overture will not be attended, on the part of the underfigned, with any ferious difficulty. Every propofition of the Executive Directory is confidered with the most minute and refpectful attention.

The refult of a deliberation on this point is, that no one of the underfigned is authorized to take upon himself a negotiation evidently entrusted by the tenour of their powers and inftructions to the whole. nor are there any two of them who can propose to withdraw themselves from the task committed to them by their government, while there remains a poffibility of performing it.

It is hoped that the prejudices faid to have been conceived against the minifters of the United States will be diffipated by the truths they have stated.

If in this hope they fhall be difappointed, and it fhould be the will of the Directory to order paffports for the whole or any number of them, you will pleafe to accompany fuch paffports with letters of fafe conduct, which will entirely protect from the cruifers of France, the veffels in which they may refpectively fail, and give to their perfons, fuite, and property, that perfect fecurity to which the laws and usages of nations entitle them. They pray you, Citizen Minifter, to receive the renewal of their affurances of profound refpect and confideration.

(Signed)

(A true copy.)

CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY.
JOHN MARSHALL.

E. GERRY.

HENRY M. RUTLEDGE, Secretary.

4

Melage

Meffage from the Prefident to Congress.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

WHILE I congratulate you on the arrival of General Marfhall, one of our late envoys extraordinary to the French republic, at a place of fafety, where he is juftly held in honour, I think it my duty to communicate to you a letter received by him from Mr. Gerry, the only one of the three who has not received his congé this letter, together with another from the minister of foreign relations to him, of the third of April, and his anfwer of the fourth, will fhow the fituation in which he remains, his intentions, and profpects.

I prefume that, before this time, he has received fresh inftructions (a copy of which accompanies this meffage) to confent to no loans; and therefore the negotiation may be confidered at an end.

I will never fend another minifter to France, without affurances that he will be received, refpected, and honoured, as the reprefentative of a great, free, powerful, and independent nation.

United States, June 21st, 1798.

My dear Sir,

JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, 16th April 1798.

THIS I expect you will receive by my colleague General Marfhall, who carries with him the laft letter of Mr. Talleyrand to the American envoys, and their anfwer. On the day when we fent the answer, I received a letter from the minifter, a copy of which, and my answer, is enclosed. I have not fent these to the fecretary of state, because I have not time to prepare a letter to accompany them. Indeed I expected my paffport with my colleagues; but am informed the Directory will not consent to my leaving France: and to bring on an immediate rupture, by adopting this measure contrary to their wishes, would be, in my mind, unwarrantable. The object of Mr. Talleyrand, you will perceive, was to refume our reciprocal communications, and again to difcufs the fubject of a loan. I thought it beft, in my anfwer, not merely to object to this, but to every measure that could have a tendency to draw me into a negotiation. I accepted of this miffion, my dear Sir, to fupport your adminiftration, and have brought myself into a predicament* which you must assist

*I allude to my painful refidence here as a political cipher.