study of the physical sicences is now pursued for practical purposes must not make us forget that education has to do a great deal more than to turn out a man to succeed in business. It must give him a power of enjoying his best pleasures."

Concluding his address he said:

"Nowhere in the world does there seem to be so large a part of the people that receive a university education as here in America. The effects of this will no doubt be felt in the coming generation. Let us hope they will be felt not only in the complete equipment of your citizens for public life and their warmer zeal for civic progress, but also in a true perception for the essential elements of happiness, a larger capacity for enjoying those simple pleasures which the cultivation of taste and imagination opens to us all."

on Essentials of Education.

An arraignment of socialism was contained in the address delivered by William Allen White at William A. White the commencement Oberlin exercises at College. Mr. White took for his subject "Some Essentials of Education" and proceeded to outline what he believes to be the duty of a school.

Mr. White's address in part was as follows:

The century last past has witnessed the material conquest of more of this earth than any other century ever witnessed. Man is coming into the new century staggering under an armful of material things; steam and electricity have been harnessed to pulleys of civilization and have been made to do the world's rough work. It shall be a problem of educated men in this century to spiritualize these material things that they may work for all and not for a few.

The stir of our world politics that is felt in every American town and county, the earnest striving among educated men and women for justice, is an instinctive attempt to spiritualize the gross heritage of the nineteenth century. The new reformation is world wide; it is quick

ening of conscience, a war against greed and for the legalization and establishment of kindness on the earth-the kindness that makes happiness.

ness.

If our free schools and our colleges and universities do not teach man the economic value of kindness, then these institutions merely turn upon society each year a horde of armed vandals to work for the destruction of society. Western civilization is in just as much danger from the vandals in high hats as it is from the Huns in the red shirts. For the vandals and the Huns are equally ignorant of God's basic law of kindAnd their presence in the world makes men who would be happy by being kind and generous and helpful in the routine of ordinary business like men who roam unarmed in a savage wood, and pay with their lives the price of their broad humanity. The school that does not teach its students the duty of man to man, that does not implant deeply in its graduates a working wisdom in the fundamental human law of kindness, instead of being a blessing, that school is a curse upon any people.

The education that does not teach selfreliance, that makes men flabby under the delusion that they are kind, the education that makes a man's visions of righteousness mere flushes of morality, is only modified ignorance. For until a man passes his education on, until he gives back to the state in service what it gave him in schooling, his right to citizenship is based upon mere law and is not a part of his being.

Only the man is free who has fought himself free. The world is full of slaves -slaves to custom, to tradition, to the things that are, to party, to church, to outworn ideas-cowards who know the truth shall make them free, but who fear to make the truth their truth by declaring for it simply and without bluster and without shame. He who serenely with what weapons God has armed him enlists in the fight to make his private opinion public opinion, thereby returning to society his patrimony, he is the educated gentleman. For he has won his education, not sponged it.

However he got his education-from

a machine in a shop, or from a shovel in the street, or from horses in the fieldthat man who follows the instinct divinely planted in his soul, follows it through the paper walls of convention and usage to the right as he sees it, has more culture, more of heaven's own refinement than if he has a yard of scholastic letters tacked after his name.

Education, if it be worthy of the name, should be the bellows that makes the divine spark within each soul glow into a torch to light his fellows. But too often our schools and colleges turn out nothing more considerable than good citizens. Your good citizen obeys the laws, conforms to the amenities, worships whatever God there be, and lets it go at that. He does not get under the load of the world and lift. He is a dummy director who fails to realize that he is a partner in the injustices of this life. He does not see that until he turns out to the caucuses and primaries and conventions and mass meetings and makes his protest felt, the thieves that inhabit the Jericho road will keep right on assailing the weak, robbing the poor and threatening the welfare of society. If he has a light it is not only hidden under a bushel, but the bushel is nailed and cleated to the floor.

One of the curses of this country is the large class of so called "good citizens" who, because they have book learning and well fitting clothes, are looked upon as leaders. Better is a government of stable boys, following sincerely and seriously the light God gives them, than a council of "good citizens" adoring yesterday and afraid of nothing so much as the dawn of to-morrow.

Because men grow rich dishonestly certain doctrines of social science would say that all must fare alike. Because genius is often selfish and blind, these doctors would strangle talent, and because strength of character sometimes makes men oppressors of their fellows, these social theorists would make all men mediocre. There is no fallacy in the world to-day so vicious, because to the weak nothing so plausible as the notion that the Kingdom of Heaven may be ordained on this earth by putting all men through a common state regulated mold.

paring off the overlapping of the great and puffing the small up to the standard size by law.

If a man has a taste for business, he should be allowed to trade to his heart's content, providing that he trade honestly, keeping water out of his stocks and usury out of his transactions. The growth of this world requires commerce as much as it requires religion. If a man desires to be an inventor or painter, a scientist or a tight-rope walker, it is his concern. He should be allowed to specialize.

There should be peace on earth and there must be good will among men. But men must grow spiritually before that order may be established; law may not establish it. The socialist has the cart before the horse.

tion.

Cornell is excited over a proposal of the male graduates to exclude coeds" from participating in Cornell Men Fight- ordinary college acing Co-Educativities. The girls are charming personally, but they spoil class interests. A permanent segregation of the sexes is demanded by the male students with practical unanimity, not only in class instruction, but in every other sphere. They have organized to snub, isolate, ignore, and bar out the coeds, but this having been ineffectual, they are demanding stronger measures. The girls, it is alleged, lack the "college spirit." They make politics "rotten," voting "for the most popular man and for the man who did the most fussing, instead of for the man who is best fitted for the place." It is proposed to alter class constitutions so as to bar out coeds from places on committees, from the class book and other publications, from elections, and from every form of coactivity. At a recent banquet of students of the College of Arts and Sciences a professor made an address voicing the general demand for complete separation. "It is to be effected in a gentlemanly way," but effected it must be. The situation is due, parhaps, to the fact that the girls have a civilization and interests of their own and do not share in those of the boys. Their sports, views, and habits differ so

En

that they have little in common. forced association under these circumstances is irksome. It is promised in It is promised in regard to co-education that it will "refine" the boys, but college boys want their fling and don't wish to be refined. They prefer congenial savagery.

Two hundred and sixty-eight young women were graduated from Smith College at the twentyThe Idealist and the ninth commencement. Doctrinaire. The oration was by Dr. Samuel M. Crothers, of Cambridge, who spoke on "The Idealist and the Doctrinaire." He spoke, in part, as follows:

"Every year the colleges of our country send out an army of men and women with high ideals. A liberal education is intended, in Milton's phrase, to fit them to 'deal justly, skilfully and magnanimously' with all questions. They have become familiar with the great principles on which civilization rests. Yet when we seek to calculate the effect which the higher education has in enriching and purifying the life of ou country we are likely to be disappointed. Much indeed is done, but a great deal of the beneficent force seems to be wasted.

"One great reason for this ineffectiveness is that the liberally educated person who begins as an ethical idealist stops short in his development and becomes a mere doctrinaire. A doctrinaire is defined as one 'who theorizes without regard to practical considerations; one who undertakes to explain things by one narrow theory or group of theories, leaving out of view all other forces at work.' It will be seen that the doctrinaire is by definition an excellent and well-meaning person, and frequently is highly accomplished. He is an idealist who has eliminated from his view of the world everything which conflicts with the beauty and symmetry of his own ideas. He is at home in Utopia, and a critical stranger in the United States of America. He proclaims high ideals, but he is unable to recognize these ideals when they have on their working clothes and their beauty is ob

scured by the grime of toil. He believes in heroes and hero worship, but his heroes are either dead or not yet born; he has no admiration to waste on the men and women who in the present day under difficult conditions, are doing the best they can. It is characteristic of the doctrinaire that he has high aims but is intolerant of the necessary means by which they are reached. His own thoughts have an artificial simplicity which comes from his ability to ignore all perplexing facts. He compromises. His idea of civic virtue is that of an eloquent protest against a wrong. But he has little sympathy for the patient people who are little by little undoing the wrong and building up something better. He speaks with righteous scorn of these opportunists.

scorns

"So it happens that we have a large class of well-educated and well-intentioned persons who in regard to all work for the common weal are critics rather than creators. Their education has enabled them to point out the shortcomings of others, it has not fitted them to do their part 'justly, skilfully and magnanimously.'

"Let us frankly confess that these are the failures of liberal education. The doctrinaire is an idealist who has gone wrong, or rather who has stopped short in his development. He has not understood that an ideal is not fulfilled when it is made clear to the imagination or beautifully expressed in words. It is something that can only be expressed in action.

"In such a country as ours, the doctrinaire habit of mind is particularly distressing. The teeming life of America cannot be understood by the person who is wedded to a formula. The problems that are pressing upon us are not capable of formal solution. They are too vast and complicated. Here is that which moves in magnificent masses, careless of particulars.

"The first essential of an American must be in enthusiastic sympathy with the magnificent movements in his own country. Here are the vast movements of races to new homes, here is the upward movement of whole classes seek

ing better conditions of living, here are mysterious spiritual movements as the mind of the masses takes in the significance of new views of the universe.

"To the mere doctrinaire all these popular movements are but meaningless manifestations of the mob spirit. He is offended because people do not follow a neat and orderly moral programme. What is needed is another and more generous attitude, it is that of the practical idealist. The rightly educated intelligence is flexible, sympathetic and capable of enthusiasm. sees the romantic possibilities of present. It worships the perfect and at the same time rejoices in the imperfect, for it and the imperfect are moving on toward perfection. It has the spirit of the true artist who never scorns the materials with which he works."

*

It

Chancellor Day, of the University of Syracuse, has once more delivered to the press an interview Chancellor Day on worded in plain English, on a subject with which he is quite fa

President Roosevelt.

miliar, in which he says:

"For the high office of president of the United States I have the most profound respect, nor would I, as an American, permit any disrespect to the ceremony and honor we all desire for that office, but I cannot help realizing that if Andrew Johnson had abrogated his position for self-interest, or, let us say, by faults of impulse and egoism, one-third much as Mr. Roosevelt has, he would not only have been impeached, but relieved of office.

as

"I often think when I hear men say what a strenuous, active, alert man this president is, how much better it would be if we would get a man in office who would just keep quiet and think for a year or two.

"Some one has said Mr. Roosevelt's conduct as president resembles the methods of a local candidate running for sheriff. Think of a man in that tremendous office who cannot go for a horseback ride without jumping a hurdle for cameras, who thanks the engineer of a locomotive for doing his duty, who can't

keep his coat tails down when he goes for a walk because he wont's allow them to keep up with him!"

"You think Mr. Roosevelt lacks dignity?" he was asked.

"Since John Hay's death," said the chancellor, "Mr. Roosevelt's official poise has been, to say the least, unsteady. Hay was a great diplomat and his influence over the president was singularly gratifying to the national peace of mind. No other man ever has been able to manage him, and so we have fallen under the spell of a new sensation to Americans, the sensation of being governed.

"Why have we renounced the threefold government for this most un-American policy of a one man power? Granted that a large part of the president's official obligation is to keep watch upon the greed of great private enterprises, that they do not crush the freedom of the people, yet that privilege does not extend to him the right of an individual single authority over the federal sentinels of public welfare; it does not charge him with the electric fluid of unvarying righteousness, nor does it permit him to establish a degree of the respect or censure we should measure out to one another as citizens in a law abiding land.

"We are literally bullied into a state of riotous excitement against this, that, and the other, by a system of commissionary investigation, by committees employed to act according to instructions or lose their jobs. Without these instructions they would be unable to pursue the strange occupations to which they are appointed, so ignorant are they of industries they are detailed to examine.

"I am only a humble university president, remote from actual conflict of these things, but from a night thirty-three years ago, when I heard that wonderful orator, Wendell Phillips, foreshadow the conditions that are with us now, I have been thinking and studying the shifting quicksands of public sentiment.

"As a matter of fact, my relations with Mr. Archbold, who lives in Syracuse, and whose financial gifts to this university may be considered as an expression of pride in the progress of his home town, dates nearly twenty-five years back. We

have always been close personal friends. My tenure of this office is not dependent in any way upon my opinion of trusts. If it were based upon that distinction I should avoid any discussion about them as the safer course to pursue.

"The swollen fortune is circumstantial evidence of mistaken means to attain an end in the conduct of some trusts. It is not with the actual, normal opinion of public sentiment against corporations that I have any quarrel, but with the sinister intrigue of the political means that are used to incite the passions of the political against the individuals and their legal rights."

We are inclined to believe the Chancellor quite right as to what he says would probably have happened to President Johnson had he been even half as obstreperous as our versatile Teddy; and still we are forced to inquire-wherein lies the strength of Roosevelt's popularity, for popular he undoubtedly is.

It is just possible the people love him for the enemies he has made—we mean, of course, among the trusts and the devotees of "high finance," not college presidents, to be sure.

The warning sounded by the Chancellor against the danger of surrendering our liberties to the keeping of any one man is certainly worthy of careful consideration, for the difference between a rule of, for and by the people and the rule of and by, even if not for, one man is vast; although really as between being ruled by one man and a bought and sold oligarchy there is small room for choice. Is it to be wondered at that the people are prone to admire-possibly unduly this modern giant killer when they sec a few well directed blows from the big stick fairly well landed on the other side of the fence.

While it is certainly not for the President to "establish a degree of the responsibility we should measure out to one another as citizens of a law abiding land," still we hardly believe our President can be justly accused of such a course. It is true he has frequently called attention to violation of law in a rather spectacular manner, but it is doubtful if any law abiding man has

yet felt the weight of the big stick in any of the investigations carried on by the committees referred to by the Chancellor. If the illegal trusts (and all trusts are illegal, for the law forbids their existence) did not see fit to take it upon themselves to dictate our laws, tell us who should work and who remain idle, how long our school terms should be, and how many children shall attend and who shall be crowded out, how much teachers shall be paid, in fact, whether we shall eat bread, meat or soup, if these trusts did not assume to do all this for a vast and constantly increasing percentage of the citizens of this "free country" then they might with some reason cry out out that their "private rights" are being infringed upon by the wielder of the big stick and since his "ignorant" committees; but they have taken upon themselves such public tasks, they can no longer shield themselves behind their so called "private rights." They are no longer private trusts nor engaged in private business, and the public has a right to know who robs it, and even how the robbery is accomplished, and it would seem, according to an opinion formed from reading old prints, that the public might even have a right to stop the theft if possible; and the man who leads in accomplishing this laudable feat will be popular, even though he oversteps the bounds of decorous propriety.

Miss Sarah L. Arnold, dean of Simmons College, delivered an address at the dedication of the A Woman's Educa- Home science buildtion. ing at Northfield Seminary, in which

she said:

"A woman's education should prepare her for general usefulness, through such a training as will enable her to understand the world about her, the world peopled by men and women and children, and governed by eternal laws. In all the books which she may study will be written some truth concerning the iife of humanity for the abiding laws of nature. Her education should help her to understand humanity better and to