The history of these successive attempts in | guard against the danger of such establishEngland, in Scotland, and in Ireland, is soments, the extensive influence of which has particularly and distinctly detailed in the re- already been manifested both in France and port of the Secret Committee of the House in Ireland, and can by no means be consiof Commons, that your Committee deem it dered as an object of slight concern in the unnecessary to repeat it here. They will present state of this country. To this imitaonly remark, that these attempts, followed tion of the course of the proceedings which up as they have been with unremitting acti- have led to such fatal consequences in vity and perseverance, have successively as- France, your committee find that the disaffec sumed every shape, and covered themselves ed in these kingdoms have added the crime under every pretence, which might best elude of a treasonable communication and conthe vigilance of the king's government, and nexion with the enemy at various periods promote the wicked and dangerous designs during the present war. which were in the contemplation of the leaders of these societies.

Intelligence of the state of both kingdoms, with a view to the facility and success of in

The effects which this most powerful in-vasion, has been repeatedly transmitted to strument of treason and rebellion is capable of producing, have been but too strongly shown in Ireland, where, under the name of United Irishmen, a very large proportion of the lower class of the people throughout whole districts, counties, and provinces, have been combined into a systematic body leagued against the government, and protected from detection and punishment by the nature of their establishment, by mutual oaths of secrecy, and still more by the general terror which their menaces, crimes, and outrages, have naturally inspired, till, at length, the whole system burst forth into an open rebellion, which is even at this hour rather repressed than subdued.

the French government, both from London and from Dublin. The invasion of Ireland was planned in personal intercourse between some of the Irish rebels and the French general charged with the execution of that measure; a resident envoy continued for a considerable time in France, regularly accredited by the body of United Irish. The communications were also maintained by frequent journies of persons who were ad dressed from the conspirators in Ireland to the members of the societies in this kingdom, and who from hence passed over to the conti nent. One of these, being apprehended in the very act of procuring his passage for France, was tried and executed here; and it It is under these circumstances that this appears that at the time of the arrest of this establishment of United Irishmen, which person, and of Mr. Arthur O'Connor, who has been so injurious to the peace and interest was apprehended with him, His majesty's of Ireland, appears to have extended itself to government were in full possession of the this kingdom, and particularly to the metro-knowledge of the treasonable designs which polis, where there is always, among the labouring classes a large number of Irish. It has also been closely imitated by the formation (precisely on the same model) of bodies of United Scotsmen and United Britons, which do not however as yet appear to have made such progress in this kingdom as was probably expected by their leaders.

the latter has since confessed.

Your Committee have, however, too much reason to apprehend, that neither the punishment of the offender already mentioned, and of those of his accomplices who have suffered in Ireland, nor the imprisonment of others, has yet stopped the course of this treason. able intercourse with the enemy. It has inThe system of Corresponding Societies deed, appeared to your Committee, that, which had preceded these, and prepared the during the detention of the prisoners who way for them in this kingdom, is however were confined on this account in Dublin, they scarcely, if at all, less dangerous, and appears found the means of keeping up communica to have been carried on, to an extent well tions with some of their confederates who deserving the most serious attention of this were still at large: and recent evidence has House. Your Committee have annexed to been furnished to your Committee of the conthis report two lists, one extracted from the tinuance of a treasonable correspondence papers found at different periods in the pos- between the United Irish and the enemy, session of the secretary of the London Cor- with the object of encouraging and aiding an responding Society, and at the General Com-invasion of his majesty's kingdom of Ireland. mittee room of that society; the other a copy of a paper found in the possession of a member of what was called the Executive Committee of that body. They contain the names of different places in this kingdom with which that society entertained correspondence. Your Committee have reason to believe that even these lists do not include the whole, but they appear to your Committee to furnish ample proof of the necessity of some new and more efficient provision to

On the whole result of their examination, your Committee have seen the strongest grounds to be persuaded, that if the dangerous designs of these conspirators have been so far checked and repressed in this kingdom, as to prevent any actual interruption of the public tranquillity, this could only have been effected by the vigilance of his majesty's government, aided by the exercise of those extraordinary and occasional powers which parliament has from time to

Kendal, Wooton, Bromley, Kegworth,
Banbury, Adderbury, Tamworth, Stockport,
Warrington, Gosport, Ipswich, Philips
Norton, Ashton-under-Lyne, Coventry,
Tunbridge, Rochdale.

time judged it proper, after the example of their ancestors, to confide to his majesty'; and supported by the extraordinary and unprece dented display of zeal, energy, and public spirit, on the part of the great body of his majesty's faithful subjects. So long as these continue, and as the attention of parliament is constantly applied to supply any defects in the means which the existing laws may afford to meet the exigencies of this new and unexampled crisis, they are confident that, under the Divine Providence, no danger is to be apprehended to the laws and happy constitution of this kingdom. But they are on the other hand equallyconvinced that this object requires a continued and active vigilance; and they feel it their duty to add, that no form of government can, in their opinion, be considered as secure, under which the system of secret societies, such as it is described in the report of the Secret Committee of the House of Commons, and as it has appeared in evidence before them, is permitted to exist.

Debate in the Commons on the Sunday Newspapers Suppression Bill.] May 27. Lord Belgrave rose to call the attention of the House to a subject, at all times of the greatest importance, but particularly world infidelity was making such successso when in so large a part of the Christian ful attacks on religion; he alluded to the infringement on the decent observance of the Lord's day by the circulation of Sunday newspapers. About the year 1780, papers of this description first appeared; but they had not met with much success till within the last year or two, when a paper, called the Observer, had got into LIST of places with which the London Cor- considerable circulation. He had for responding Society have corresponded, as some time looked with anxiety to publicaappears by the Papers found in the posses. tions of this nature, and one of the evils sion of their secretary, and at the general he had always apprehended from the uncommittee room at the Queen of Bohemia's checked circulation of them was, that Head.-Cradley, Norwich, Sheffield, Man. chester, Chester, York, Liverpool, Halifax, they would ere long accumulate on SunSt. Albans, Bradford, Coventry, Maidstone, day in the same manner as on other days Portsmouth, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Perth, of the week. An advertisement had Dundee, Nottingham, Derby, Banbury, lately appeared for the publication of an Adderbury, Bromley, Leeds, Leicester, additional Sunday newspaper, to be called Exeter, Deptford, Rochester, Ashton, The Volunteer. This paper was looked for Trowbridge, Aston, Dudley, Paisley, Hel- ward to with expectation; and on this acstone, Berwick, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, count he was the more anxious to stop it in Chevening, Oxford, Wolverhampton, church, Cardiff, Gravesend, Loughbo-limine, and, together with it, all papers of rough, Stourbridge, Battle, Wakefield, Bir- that description. He thought these newsmingham, Woodchurch, Kent, Bath, Bris- papers an additional weapon in the hand tol, Tunbridge Wells, Melbourn, Stockport, of infidelity; since one of the constant Woolwich, Linsfield, Finsbury, Crauley, efforts of infidelity had been to deter Craley, Ashton-under-Lyne, Framling- Christians from a decent observance of ham, Garstang, Seven Oaks, Chevinam, the Lord's day. The law upon this subRochdale. ject was notoriously ineffectual. At present, the sale of articles on a Sunday was contrary to law: there was a penalty of 5s. on the sale, and a forfeiture of the article; but the forfeiture, in fact, amounted to nothing, on account of the manner in which it was to be sued for, and the penalty was evidently too small. He should propose to increase the penalty from 5s. to 40s. If it applied to the whole sale, he would propose 20%. on the sale of the article altogether; and in respect to the circulation of these newspapers, he would propose to make it a breach of the peace, and the person found circulating them liable to instant commitment by any magistrate, or peace of ficer, or churchwarden. He had been told, in palliation of this abuse, that, al

Whit

A LIST of the United Corresponding Societies of Great Britain, in the year 1797, found in the possession of a person some time a member of the Executive Committee. Portsmouth, Newcastle-underLine, Salford, Manchester, Sheffield, Norwich, Bradford, Nottingham, Birmingham, Halifax, St. Albans, Exeter, Chester, High-Wycombe, Whitechurch, Leominster, Herefordshire, York, Bath, Bristol, Loughborough, Wolverhampton, Stourbridge, Wakefield, Melbourne, Leicester, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Perth, Dundee, Paisley, Helstone, Berwick, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Oxford, Chevening, Gravesend, Maidstone, Rochester, Chatham, Bromley, Cardiff Woodchurch, Truro, Derby, Litchfield, Redbridge, Leeds, Chichester, Liverpool, Jedburgh, Sunbury, Kilmarnock, Stranraer Rowley, Hull, Grantham, Southampton,

Mr. Buxton did not think that the object of the noble lord would be answered by this bill. Papers published on the Sunday were worked off on the Saturday night, and therefore he did not see the same objection to them as the noble lord did. He was sorry to see the Sabbath so ill observed. If it was expected that the lower classes should improve in their morals, the higher should set them a good example. The laws as they stood should be enforced.

The question being put, That the words "Wednesday morning next" stand part of the question, the House divided:

YEAS

Tellers.

{Lord Viscount Belgrave }

Mr. Wilberforce NOES Mr. Sheridan

Mr. Jones

}

25

22

the reading of them an innocent recreation. | to empower churchwardens, constables, He was a friend to newspapers, as he was &c. to arrest the venders, and take them a friend to every institution whose ten- before the next magistrate, who should dency it was to disseminate political in have power to confine such persons for formation. If the measure were intended any period not exceeding 14 days. This to enforce the existing laws merely, he bill went to two points: To the suppreswould support it; but he could by no sion of the sale of these papers, and the means agree to any bill that unnecessarily prevention of the printing of them on a swelled the penal code. Sunday morning. With respect to the justice of this measure, as it respected the proprietors, he was glad to find that no petition had appeared against the measure. The printers of this description of newspapers were printers in general; besides which, as they could transfer the printing of their papers from Sunday to Saturday, they would suffer but little injury. He was asked whether it was not an innocent thing which he wished to suppress? In his opinion it was not, since it was contrary to the law of God. There was a large body of men concerned in this trade; he meant the distributors of those papers, many of whom held the practice of publishing Sunday papers in as great abhorrence as himself. Here the noble lord read a letter to this effect from certain distributors, 129 in number, in which they stated that they had formerly signed a petition to the lord mayor and to the bishop of London against this practice. These persons had actually expended 50%. in instituting prosecutions against the printers, but they had not succeeded in their object, doubtless owing to the inefficacy of the law as it stood. He had heard it objected that the present bill was going too far. But he would ask, whether in the present day, we were not in greater danger of running into infidelity, than of being too strict? It ought not to be forgot ten, that we were the near neighbours of a nation, where the very name of a Sunday had been blotted out of the calendar. In Ireland, a Sunday newspaper had been endeavoured to be set up: but the magistrates had prevented it. As to the defalcation which this measure would occasion to the revenue, he had heard it stated at 30,000l.; but he did not think the revenue would be a loser, because those who now took in a Sunday paper, would then take in a Saturday, or some other paper; at any rate, the revenue was not to be supported by undermining the goodly fabric of religion. It had been pleaded in extenuation, that the Sunday papers contained sermons, &c.; but so far from this being a recommendation, he considered it as an evil, inasmuch as it in[3 T]

So it was resolved in the affirmative. The main question being put, it passed in the negative.

June 11. On the order of the day for the second reading of the bill,

Lord Belgrave said, that the objections which had been started against the bill were various. By some it had been said that it went too far; and by others, that it did not go far enough. He would declare it to be his opinion, that no man could exercise his ordinary calling on the Lord's day, according to the laws of the land and the commands of God, excepting only works of charity and necessity. An exception had been made in favour of the selling and buying of milk and mackarel, this, however, was previous to divine service. Could the sale of Sunday newspapers come within the description of works of charity or necessity? The law as it now stood, was directly against the sale of these papers: it imposed a penalty of 5s. on the sale in the gross. There was also a penalty of the forfeiture of the article in circulation; but these were insufficient penalties. What he proposed was, to make the sale and circulation of Sunday papers a breach of the peace, and [VOL. XXXIV.]

duced people to neglect going to church. intended to be thrown over the Lord's Let the fate of the bill be what it might, day. Was not conversation between man he should have the consolation to reflect and man as bad as reading a written or that he had done his duty: he had intro- printed paper? But if this was not an im duced a practical remedy for a specific moral act, he could not see why the House evil. It was evident that the ground-work should interfere in the business. Consiof the French revolution was, their profli- dering it as derogatory to the dignity of gacy of manners, their growing disregard the House to take up this question, he for the laws of God, and their neglect and should move that the word "now" be left scorn of the day dedicated to his service; out: and instead of this he would move, and gentlemen would do well to consider," that the bill be read a second time on that the demon of Atheism, whose breath this day three months." was poison, and whose embrace was death had been stretching out his arms from France, with the malignant hope of destroying every country within his reach, and had even partially infected our own

shores.

Mr. Martin thought, that if persons had not the Sunday papers, they would read worse publications. The papers which were published on Sunday were actually printed on the day preceding: the noble lord ought rather to have made his objection against the Monday papers.

Mr. Windham said, he considered the noble lord's motion to be important; that it was of importance for the House to come to a right decision upon it; and that parliament should enforce the right observance of the Sabbath with efficient penalties. This observance ought to be marked by an abstinence from the customs, &c. of ordinary life; on this ground, exhibitions, buying and selling, &c. were forbidden on that day. The Sunday was to be distinguished by an absti nence from smaller acts, and not merely by an abstinence from acts of immorality, as stealing, &c. Some years ago it was proposed to suppress all public houses, &c. where company was received. He for one should have objected to carrying it to this extent, because he would have been unwilling to abridge the happiness and health of multitudes, and confine those to the metropolis, who could not go out upon any other day. But here the case was different. The inducement was different. It was no argument to say there was no positive harm in publishing and reading newspa

Mr. Jekyll was surprised how any member could gravely contend that this was a fit subject for parliament to exercise its functions upon. He trusted that he held no principles which were contrary to sound religion and morality; but when he heard the reading of a Sunday newspaper branded as an act of immorality, and connected with the enormities which accompanied the French revolution, he must tell the noble lord that this practice had no more to do with the French revolution than the fall of Babylon or Rome. The Sunday papers were printed on the Sa-pers on the Sunday. On this ground why turday evening, or early on Sunday morning, and published before divine worship began. Who, then, profaned the Sabbath? Was it the reader of such a paper? Was it any more a profanation of the Sabbath, to read a newspaper than another book? | But there was the blowing of horns-a great annoyance, this, undoubtedly. But had not the police the power in their hands of suppressing this nuisance? This bill would go to annihilate at a stroke all the property embarked in these papers. If there was now an existing law against such publications, why was it necessary to pass a new law? Was the statute of Charles 2nd insufficient upon this subject? He could not help thinking that half the acts which a man did on a Sunday, were as criminal as the reading of a newspaper. He was sorry to see this kind of gloom 11

not open Astley's and Hughes's Amphitheatres? For his part, he knew nothing immoral in seeing a man standing on his head. But he wished to consider the tendency of a man's destroying the distinction between the Sunday and other days. The noble lord stood here with the law and custom of the country on his side.

And for whose interests was it that the House was requested to set aside these laws? With respect to the readers of these papers he would say, "lassati, nondum satiati." It was chiefly to public houses that people resorted who read the Sunday papers. And was this a practice productive of good to morals? The magistrates had endeavoured to shut up public houses; but to this he felt strong objections; a public house was the poor man's coffee-house; man was likewise a