825,000l. be granted to his majesty to- | wards enabling his majesty to make good such engagements with the emperor of Russia as may be best adapted to the exigency of affairs."

shall happen, to look back and see, in the efforts made to attain it, any thing left undone, which might be cause for regret or mortification. To any expense or effort for this purpose, I give my cordial assent; but at no hazard can I give it to that system which I have uniformly reprobated; that system by which war has been protracted from day to day; millions have been expended upon millions, and blood has flowed upon blood, in the pursuit of an indefinite object. Sir, I hope and trust that, whatever differences may have hitherto subsisted, ministers now have but one opinion, and that they are all agreed that the safety of England should be the main object. Deeply im

sums for a purpose I do not understand, and in aid of a power whose object I do not know, which may be appropriated to her own views exclusively, and to the injury instead of the welfare of England.

Mr. Tierney said:-Sir, I admit the necessity of bringing the war to a speedy conclusion; but in the mode by which it is proposed to be done, we hear of a common cause and a common understanding. Now, before I give my consent to vote away English money, I must know what the common cause is for which I do it. I do not know what this deliverance of Europe means. If it means to rescue other nations from the power and oppression of France, and to drive her from those countries which she has over-pressed with this truth, I will not vote any run, to such a plan I readily subscribe my mite of approbation. But if it is still to remain a principle undefined, Imust pause before I give my consent. I would therefore wish to understand what this common cause is. Does it consist in repelling Mr. Pitt said:-I believe no one, who France within her ancient limits, and seek- can appreciate worth, and admire supeing an honourable peace upon the status rior zeal and activity, will doubt the sinquo? If so, I have no objection to a fo- cerity of the sovereign of Russia, or make reign subsidy, because I think money a question of his integrity in any compact. might be more economically applied There is no ground to fear that that magnaabroad, than by raising forces at home; nimous prince will act with infidelity in a and because I wish, if more blood is to be cause in which he is so sincerely engaged, shed, it should be any other than English and which he knows to be the cause of all blood. But if a subsidy is to be given for good government, religion and humanity, an indefinite object, what security have I against a monstrous medley of tyranny, for its application? How do I know that injustice, vanity, irreligion, ignorance, the views of Russia are in unison with our and folly. This magnanimous and powerown? How do I know that Russia will ful prince has undertaken to supply, at a not apply it to the furtherance of her very trifling expense, a most essential own interests without any regard to force, and that for the deliverance of Euours; that she has not views of ambition rope. I still must use this phrase, notand aggrandizement herself; and may withstanding the sneers of the hon. gennot think Europe delivered but by strip. tleman. Does it not promise the deliverping France of her conquests, and deco-ance of Europe, when we find the armies rating herself with the spoils? I own, Sir, this sum seems to me to be voted under very extraordinary circumstances, and leading to conclusions which I cannot easily reconcile. The deliverance of Europe must be equally dear to Russia as to England. Why then does not Russia contribute to the success of her own cause; and why is England to pay for the deliverance of Russia? Has Russia exhausted herself by the exertions which she has already made? As yet I know of nothing which she has contributed, except manifestoes and proclamations. Sir, I am anxious for the hour of peace; but however great my solicitude for its arrival, I would not wish, whenever that period

of our allies rapidly advancing in a career of victory at once the most brilliant and auspicious, that perhaps ever signalized the exertions of any combination? Will it be regarded with apathy, that that wise and vigorous and exalted prince has already, by his promptness and decision, given a turn to the affairs of the continent? With respect to that which appears so much to embarras certain gentlementhe deliverance of Europe-I will not say particularly what it is. Whether it is to be its deliverance from the infection of false principles, the corroding cares of a period of distraction, and dismay, or that dissolution of all government, and that death of religion and social order which are to

signalize the triumph of the French re- topic. But wishing to be fully understood public, if unfortunately for mankind she I answer the hon. gentleman when he asks, should, in spite of all opposition, prevail" Does the right hon. gentleman mean to in the contest. The hon. gentleman has prosecute the war until the French repub told us, that his deliverance of Europe is lic is overthrown? Is it his determina the driving of France within her ancient tion not to treat with France while it con limits; but it is assumed by the hon. gen- tinues a republic?"-I answer, I do not tleman, that we are not content with wish- confine my views to the territorial limits ing to drive France within her ancient of France; I contemplate the principles, limits, that we seek to overthrow the go- character, and conduct of France; I convernment of France; and he would make sider what these are; I see in them the us say, that we never will treat with it as issues of distruction, of infamy and ruin, a republic. Now I neither meant any to every state in her alliance; and therething like this, nor expressed myself so as fore I say, that until the aspect of that to lead to such inferences, Whatever I mighty mass of iniquity and folly is enmay in the abstract think of the kind of tirely changed;-until the character of government called a republic, whatever the government is totally reversed;-unmay be its fitness to the nation where it til, by the common consent of all men, I prevails, there may be times when it would can with truth tell parliament, France is not be dangerous to exist in its vicinity. no longer terrible for her contempt of the But while the spirit of France remains rights of every other nation-she no lon what at present it is, its government ger avows schemes of universal empiredespotic, vindictive, unjust, with a temper she has settled into a state whose govern untamed, a character unchanged, if its ment can maintain those relations in their power to do wrong at all remains, there integrity, in which alone civilized commu does not exist any security for this coun- nities are to find their security, and from try or Europe. In my view of security, which they are to derive their distinction every object of ambition and aggrandize- and their glory;-until in the situation of ment is abandoned. Our simple object is France we have exhibited to us those security, just security, with a little mix- features of a wise, a just, and a liberal, ture of indemnification. These are the policy, I cannot treat with her. The legitimate objects of war at all times; and time to come to the discussion of a peace when we have attained that end, we are can only be the time when you can look in a condition to derive from peace its with confidence to an honourable issue; beneficent advantages; but until then, to such a peace as shall at once restore to our duty and our interest require that we Europe her settled and balanced constishould persevere unappalled in the strug-tution of general polity, and to every gle to which we were provoked. We shall not be satisfied with a false security. War, with all its evils, is better than a peace in which there is nothing to be seen but usurpation and injustice, dwelling with savage delight on the humble, pros- Mr. Tierney said: I have received trate condition of some timid suppliant an answer, and it does carry the convic people. It is not to be dissembled, that tion, that we are now about to embark in the changes and chances to which the in a seventh year of the war, aiming at an fortunes of individuals, as well as of states, indefinite object, warring against system,: are continually subject, we may have the and fighting with English blood and Engmisfortune, and great it would be, of see-lish treasure, against French abstract ing our allies decline the contest. I hope principles, without the smallest regard to this will not happen. I hope it is not the burthened state of the country. The reserved for us to behold the mortifying right hon. gentleman has spoken out. It spectacle of two mighty nations abandon-is not merely against the power of France ing a contest, in which they have sacrificed he struggles, but her system; not merely so much, and made such brilliant progress. to repel her within her ancient limits, but in the application of this principle, I have to drive her back from her present to her no doubt but the hon. gentleman admits ancient opinions-to such a style of the security of the country to be the legi-thinking as may effect the deliverance of timate object of the contest; and I must Europe. The result is, that we are to go. think I am sufficiently intelligible on this on until the government of France is over

negotiating power in particular, that weight in the scale of general empire. which has ever been found the best gua-, rantee and pledge of local independence and general security.

very

and injustice in peace, and is destitute of the monster to prowl the world unopposed. all justice and integrity in war. I ob- He must cease to annoy the abode of served also, that the character and conduct peaceful men. If he retire into the cell, of that government must enter into the whether of solitude or repentance, thither calculation of security to other govern- we will not pursue him; but we cannot ments against wrong, and for the due and li- leave him on the throne of power. The beral observance of political engagements. hon. gentleman says, that the French re The hon. gentleman says, he has too much public and liberty cannot exist together; good sense to suppose that territorial therefore, as a friend to liberty, he cannot limits can, of themselves, be made to be a friend to France. Yet he tells us constitute the security of states. He almost in the same breath, that he will does well to add his sanction to a doc- not vote for any thing that does not tend trine that is as old as political society to secure the liberties of that country, itself. In the civilised and regular com- though, to give him the benefit of his own munity states find their mutual security proposition, not to wish the overthrow of against wrong, not in territory only; they France is not to wish for the preservation have the guarantee of fleets, of armies, of of English liberty. Indeed, he says, he acknowledged integrity, and tried good will vote nothing for the purpose of over faith; it is to be judged of by the cha- throwing that tyranny, or, as he racter, the talents, and the virtues of the strangely adds, the rights and liberties of men who guide the councils of states. France others--the rights and liberties of France! has territory, she has the remains of a navy, But how will the gentleman maintain his she has armies, but what is her character, character for consistency, while he will as a moral being? who is there to testify not vote for any measure that seeks to her integrity? The Swiss nation!Who overthrow the power of a government, in bears testimony to her good faith? The the contemplation of which he has dis states she has plundered! What is the covered a gulph in his mind between the character of her advisers? what the as-ideas of its existence and the existence of pect of her councils? They are the authors of all those calamities which, marching by the side of an unblushing tyranny, have obscured the fairest portions of Europe. In fine, we are to look for security from a government which is constantly making professions of different kinds of sentiments, and is constantly receding from every thing it professes; a government that has professed, and still manifests, enmity to every state in Europe, and particularly to this country. The hon. gentleman persists in saying, that we have an intention to wage war against opinion. It is not so. We are not in arms against the opinions of the closet, nor the speculations of the school. We are at war with armed opinions; we are at war with those opinions which the sword of audacious, unprincipled, and impious innovation, seeks to propagate amidst the ruins of empires, the demolition of altars, the destruction of every venerable and good and liberal in stitution, under whatever form of polity they have been raised. Whilst the prin Mr. Windham said, that the subject in ciples avowed by France, and acted upon debate had been so ably elucidated by his so wildly, were confined to the circle of a right hon. friend, that he must despair of few ingenious and learned men, we saw making it more intelligible. The comnothing in them to alarm, nothing to termittee might therefore feel some surprise rify; but their appearance in arms at his offering himself to their attention, changed their character. We will not leave were it not that the hon. gentleman still

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liberty? Whilst republican France continues what it is, I make war against republican France; but if I should see any chance of the return of a government that does not threaten to endanger the existence of other governments, far be it from me to breath hostility to it. I must first see this change of fortune to France and to Europe make its progress with certain steps, before I relax in the assertion of those rights, which are the common property, the links of union of the regular governments of Europe.

Mr. Tierney said, he would not contribute any subsidy to take the choice of a government from the hands of a people, and place it in those of strangers. He saw with regret what had passed in France; but though they had failed in forming a government, it did not follow that a foreign armed force could devise a better." He did not profess himself an admirer of the system; all he said was, that an endeavour to change it by force could not be productive of any good consequence.