seemed to persist in his misrepresentation. That gentleman argued, that the object of the war ought to have been stated in precise terms at its very outset. Now, nothing could be more irrational. The war was, in its commencement, entirely defensive; nor, from the state of Europe at the time, could it have appeared in any other light it was entered upon for the security of Europe; and it was still carried on upon the same principle. The main question at issue was the limited reduction of the power of France. Upon this topic, however, the hon. gentleman had carefully excluded all consideration of the character of its government: but if security was our ultimate object, it was surely obvious that it must materially depend upon the power and will of the state to be negotiated with. It was not to be expected that a government, composed of the very dregs of vice and infamy, would treat with us upon those conditions of mutual security, which would have regulated the conduct of nations possessing a similar constitution and government, and placing an honourable pride in the maintenance of good faith with their neighbours. But he would ask, what was the rationale of the question? Did France unequivocally declare that she no longer persisted in her mad views of conquest and aggrandizement, there might then be some reasonable motive for attempting to treat with her. But if she still continued to avow those ruinous projects, and openly declared, that the existence of her present government was inconsisatent with that of the other governments of Europe, what security could they possess, were she even driven within her ancient territory? Would she not still entertain the same restless and ambitious views towards her neighbours? and would she not still possess very powerful means of annoying their tranquillity? Could France again, confined to a population of twenty-four millions, be regarded as an inconsiderable power? Had she not, at all times, been powerful enough to dis, 1 tract every state within the sphere of her influence, and to maintain a dangerous rivalship to this country? But the hon. gentleman thought it was a sufficient answer to this, that she could not commence her future projects of invasion with the same advantages which she had hitherto enjoyed. It was undoubtedly true, that she could not again possess the advantage of an in fatuating delusion, which had invested with insolent security that junto of plùnderers who had hurried her forward in the career of blood and rapine. He would not, however, with toilsome minuteness, trace all the hideous progress of a monster, who never made a step but to gain an advantage over innocence, or to overthrow the defenceless. Were he to contemplate it in all the relations of its character, it would be difficult to determine when he would wish to make peace with it. But in all the great affairs of men, that combination of circumstances must be embraced, which promises the most beneficial general result, and, proceeding upon this maxim, he would say, the period which he would select for this desirable object, would be, that in which the dangers of peace would be less than those of war. The hon. gentleman had supposed that a difference of opinion had prevailed among ministers relative to the object of the war. Speaking for himself he could say, that he did not differ from his right hon. friend in any thing that had fallen from him that evening. He wished for a liberal, not a revolutionary government; for a government founded not upon the imaginary rights of man, but on the ancient religion and morality of Europe. He would not, however, contend, that it would be expedient to continue the contest till such a government could be established; his opinion was, that peace ought to be concluded, the moment it could be done in consistency with our security, dignity, and honour. He would not conceal that he thought no mode of government so suitable to France as her ancient monarchy. If a revolutionary government were to be supported, there must be recourse to that fertile source of vice and calamity, the primary assemblies. He confessed that lie did not much relish a government made in a frame; the government of his choice, was that which found its source in the affections of the people, derived security from their prejudices, and strength from their passions; and such alone, with regard to France, was that which was bound up in the stems of its ancient monarchy. But in changing its condition, the first consideration was, to drive it within its former limits. If the then were asked, whether he wished the allied armies to impose a new government upon it by force, he would answer, no! He knew that if such an attempt were made,"it Navy Deduct diminution ofan 191497271 was the head and need vib & 291ab uspio ile of Ways and Means, to which I intend to I shall next state the articles of the have recourse Sugar, tobacco, and malt • £2,750,000 to meet this expenditure: must fail as every nation considered a contest on its own territory as a struggle for its existence. He was certainly desirous that France should enjoy a beneficial and rational liberty. What kind of Liberty did she now enjoy? It was only of late, in that land of freemen, that such a privilege as the freedom of speech had made its appearance, a freedom which advanced with the march of the armies of that monarch which the hon. gentleman had denominated a despot, and which was exercised only under the protection of general Suwarrow. What was the an"cjent "despotism of France? Certainly, if compared to the government of this s country, the difference was very marked, for ours was a government sui generis; but if compared to that of Turkey, or, what better suited his purpose, to the government which succeeded the monarchy, it would not be a very difficult thing to decide which was the greatest despotism. It was not by light efforts that the links of that republic, one and indivisible, were kept together. Gentlemen might indulge their fancies in drawing comparisons between the present humane, just, and amiable government of that country, and that of the tyrant Louis 16th; but in his opinion, to compare the irregularities, or even crimes of that monarch to those of the present rulers was a kind of language which was fit only for ale-houses, and deserved to be classed with the vulgar exclamations of soupe maigre and wooden shoes. Nothing could be more desirable tto this country than the restoration of the monarchy; for, notwithstanding all its de*fects, it could never do us any serious injury, compared to the incalculable mischiefs which the present abominable sys tem was peculiarly fitted to produce. וי The Resolution was agreed to. Mr. Pitt rose and said:-Sir; As the discussion of the objects to which your Tattention is now directed, has on a former occasion occupied the minds of gentlemen, it will not be necessary for me to dwell on @them at much length. It is now my duty to recapitulate the supplies, and to lay be fore the committee the ways and means to which I intend to have recourse to provide for the expenditure. I shall begin with recapitulating the different heads under which the articles of Supply are usually classed: nanosti 200,000 Surplus of consolidated fund in Loan, first...? 1466db 650,000 ••••••• 3,000,000 * *• • • *• • 12,000,000 ihar Bhalo073 59109 Deduct half year's interest P1,350,000 sing at 57. 78. per cent 1.4588,000qu sloins ** ataljonuguid adi 30 átseq vo928,000 sophie to mortaluɔnɔ quianeixi 11.00 19bau 9180,522,000 Exchequer bills $,000,000 o el al My next duty, is to state to the committtee the terms upon which the loan has been made. The usual mode of receiving offers by open competition has been adhered to. The proposal was made to the competitors of taking 1257 in the 8 per cent consols, and 50 in the reduced, and it was accepted at the price of the day, considerably less than the actual value of 100 Three most respectable houses agreed to pay for 125% in the 3 per cent consols 696. 4s. 44d. and for the reduced 28. 2s. 6d. making 971. 68. 104d) which, with the benefit of the discount at 21. 6. 6d. gave 997. 13s. 44d be slagmet The next object will be the charges that are to defray the interest upon part of this loan which remains unprovided for by any other fund. The amount of this sum is no more than 815,000The principle which I propose to go uponing that there (VIXXX JOV] shall be no loan contracted for during any year, greater than what the amount of the sinking fund can pay off. By the operation of this fund the whole of the loan that is now to be raised of 15 millions will be paid. The whole of the taxes which I mean to move for will rest upon articles that arise entirely out of the present circumstances of affairs, and so far from operating as a tax, will rather be a relief to the public. This is to be done by withholding a certain proportion of the bounty that has been allowed as a drawback upon sugars exported from this country. I propose, that on clayed sugars from the British plantations, in addition to all other duties, a duty of 4s, per cwt. be laid, which, estimating the whole at $200,000 cwt. will produce 40,000l. On British plantation sugar exported, I shal! also propose to withhold 2s. 6d. per cwt. of the drawback, in addition to 4s. now retained on 358 cwt. on East India exported 76,000 cwt., at 6s. 6d. which will produce the sum of 62,000l. On foreign plantation sugar exported, at 2s. 6d. per cwt. will produce 14,000. By taking 4s. per cwt. from the bounty now payable on refined sugar exported, there will arise a sum of 39,000. And by withholding 4s. from coffee exported, a sum of 65,000l. will be produced. British sugars left for home consumption, at 8d. per cwt., I estimate will produce 56,000l. There is another article upon which I propose to lay a duty. In many parts of the kingdom, there is an extensive circulation of small notes. On every note under 40s. I shall propose to lay a tax of 2d.; and as the number supposed to be circulated throughout Great Britain is estimated at 1,500,000/. this tax, according to that number, will produce 62,000l. But in a matter of so great uncertainty as this, I will suppose the amount to be 42,000l. The whole making a total of 316,000%. I am sure that the various circumstances of these statements must confirm in gentlemen's minds the inestimable advantages that the public will derive from an adequate provision being made to answer the exigencies of each year. It must fill the mind of every man with satisfaction to con template so pleasing a prospect, that should the war be lengthened to ever so distant a period, we shall have within our power the means of carrying it on with vi gour, if our expenses shall not exceed the sums at which they are now estimated, and if we adhere to the system of borrowing [VOL, XXXIV.] t.us of no more than shall be answered by the taxes already existing; we have the satisfaction to observe, that although the tax on income is to be continued during that period, yet every year of war entails the continuance of that tax only for one year after the conclusion of a peace; and that there shall only be a charge of permanent taxes to the amount of 300,000l. additional on the country. Therefore, when we are about to calculate the burthens of the war, and compare them to the evils attending an insecure and dishonourable peace, let us ask ourselves this question: shall we pay for another year a tax of ten per cent on income? shall we by that comparatively small sacrifice, save ourselves and our posterity from future burthens? or shall we, by a want of energy and public spirit, increase our difficulties, and furnish our enemies with the only advantages they can have over us? Let ask ourselves, what difficulty shall we have hereafter in bearing the burthens of a temporary loan each year of ten or eleven millions, for the payment of which a fund shall have already been provided? loans which will produce no greater burthen than a tax of 300,000. in each year o war. To be able to ascertain the certainty of this proud situation, is a circumstance in itself invaluable. Every event that has taken place within a short period, shows that we are rising in private wealth and public prosperity. Every thing convinces us that we are in a situation in which we ought not to stop short of that adequate, full, and rational security which we have a right to expect. Every thing that now presents itself to our view must serve to do away the gloomy prog nostics, which some persons, from a spirit of opposition to government, and others from timidity and despondency, were in the habit of making. At the time when I offered to the House the plan for increasing the assessed taxes, there was no one measure that excited so great a clamour, and raised so many doubts in the minds of men, as to the probability of its endangering the permanent revenue, or striking at the root of the manufactures and commerce of the country. We, however, in spite of all this opposition, made the experiment of adopting a measure, the principle of which has, during the present session, been carried to a greater extent: we have the satisfaction to see that one plan was acted upon; and that the other had been accepted with the ge[3 Y] Geral concurrence of all orders of men. I be considered as an annuity for a limited The credit and prosperity of the country are not alone manifested by these general symptoms; they even appear in the different rounds of pleasure, amusements, and dissipation, with which many persons in the higher ranks of life are in the habit of indulging themselves. There cannot be a stronger proof than this, that the people have not been distressed by means of the war; and that there is nothing gloomy in the finances of the country. But how has the war affected the trade and revenue of the country? Our trade has never been in a more flourishing situation: the perpetual taxes of the present year exceed what they were last year, when they amounted to 14,574,000l. a sum greater than ever was produced in the most flourishing times of peace. I need not ask whether the raising of the supplies within the year will be any detriment to the country; the experiment that has already been tried, proves the contrary. So far from that measure having caused any diminution in our trade, the imports of the last year are much greater than those of any former year; they amount to 25 millions, whereas those of the year 1797 amounted only to 21 millions. A similar augmentation has taken place in our exports, both of home and foreign manufactures. The latter, in the year 1797, amounted to 28 millions: the last accounts that have been made up, state their amount at 33,800,000l. The great advantages arising from such a plan must be obvious to every body; it is that plan which of all others will be most likely to lead to a speedy conclusion of the contest in which we are engaged. The system that has been pursued in this country, with respect to finances, has frequently varied. In all the wars previous to the present, the mode of raising money has been that of borrowing, and leaving to posterity the burthen of paying principal and interest. The successful institution of the sinking fund has made a most material alteration in this system. The consequence of this institution will be, that whatever may be the expense of any war, each year will carry along with it the extinction of a certain portion of the debt that may be contracted; and in case of the continuance of some years of peace, the whole of the national debt will, after the expiration of a certain time, be liquidated by the accumulating operation of this fund so that our debt may rather number of years. But this is not all Debate in the Lords on the King's Mes sage respecting a Subsidy to Russia.] June 11. His Majesty's Message having been read, Lord Grenville rose to propose an address. He said, that the conduct of Great Britain, in this momentous contest, had been noble and great beyond any thing recorded in the page of history. It had taken the lead in the glorious undertaking of relieving the civilized world, from the insupportable tyranny of the French republic. In this great cause, it had been the opinion of ministers that the cooperation of Russia would be of the utmost importance, and he had then to con gratulate the House upon the attainment of that very desirable object. It was happily unnecessary that he should expatiate on the good consequences of the accession of Russia to the alliance; they were felt and seen throughout the whole continent; and on these grounds he had the fairest reliance on the unanimous concurrence of their lordships to the proposed address He then moved, "That an humble 1061] Address be presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty the Thanks of this House, for his Majesty's most gracious Message; to assure his Majesty, that we feel it our indispensable duty to support his Majesty to the utmost, in making every exertion for improving the signal advantages of the present campaign, and for completing, under the blessing of God, by continued perseverance and vigour, the general deliverance of Europe, from the insupportable tyranny of the French republic; and that we will therefore cheerfully concur in enabling his Majesty to make good his engagements with the Emperor of Russia, to give assistance to the Swiss Cantons for the recovery of their ancient liberty and independence and to continue his assist ance to his ally the queen of Portugal and to make every effort which may best contribute to the permanent security of his Majesty's dominions, so deeply interested in the issue of this contest." respecting a Subsidy to Russia. A. D. 1799. [1062 must be allowed, that if ever this maxim was inapplicable, it was in the case of France-a country which, without the least regard to justice, even in appearance had interfered with and subverted the governments of all those nations where her influence or arms preponderated. France was so circumstanced, as to be, ever since the revolution, in a state of perpetual war, not only with all the governments of Eu rope, but those of every civilised country in the world. These considerations were abundantly sufficient to make up his mind with respect to the political principle he had alluded to; and deeming so of France, he had no hesitation in pressing an interference with respect to the government of that country. When he considered such an immense track of territory in the heart of Europe, with such an immense population as France presented, and lying under the absolute yoke and direction of a set of unprincipled tyrants, owing their political existence to Earl Fitzwilliam observed, that in al- such a government as now existed in most every point adverted to by the noble France, he could not think Europe could secretary of state, as well as in the tenor be safe for one moment: but in advancing of the address, he most cordially agreed; those bold and decided propositions, he but he thought that neither went far would wish to have it understood that enough, and under this impression he felt he meant only the government of France; himself called upon to propose in the way not France as a nation, nor the French as of amendment to the address, a slight a people, who, he was confident, at least alteration: not such a one as would in a great majority of them, viewed their the least do away the vigour and energy present tyrannical form of government of its sentiments, but, on the contrary, with horror and detestation, and would give them additional weight and strength, gladly embrace every opportunity to cast by rendering the whole more clear and off their rulers; and in the room of the explicit in explaining, and manfully de- present system he thought it would be claring the real object of the present mo- most eligible and expedient to restore the mentous contest. The object of the war ancient monarchical government of the should be, and to that declaration his country, under which its inhabitants had proposed amendment would go not enjoyed for ages a great degree of politi only to deliver Europe from the tyrannycal happiness and security, and Europe at of the French republic, but from the French republic itself. He had no doubt but such a declaration, made in a manly and explicit manner, would be productive of immediate good consequences, not only with regard to the allies and to Eu rope at large, but in France itself. When he said in France, he alluded to the disgraceful and tyrannous yoke borne by the 7 people, under their present odious form of government: such a decided declaration would unite every honourable and feeling spirit in that country against the directo rial tyrants. He was aware that it might be objected to him, that one independent nation should not interfere in the internal government of another; but surely it large a degree of tranquillity which there was not the smallest probability of its possessing while the French republic existed. His lordship then proposed as an amendment to leave out these words in the address," the insupportable tyranny of," which omission would cause that par ticular sentence to run thus, « to deliver Europe from the French republic." The Earl of Liverpool observed, that such an avowal, under the present circumstances, would be highly indiscreet; besides, it was such a one as could not with propriety be included in such a parlia mentary declaration as that now in question. It was impolitic, as tending to fetter the exertions of the executive |