the minister, that the sentiments of the country were contrary to those of the majority: the fact justified them in the assertion, and the dispute was abandoned. In 1797, the opinions of the minority on peace were those of the people, and I believe the same coincidence exists now upon the same subject. may weaken the great military confederacy now happily renewed against France. Two years and a half ago, when Buonaparté was at the gates of Vienna, what was the conduct of gentlemen opposite? When France appeared to be in her exultation, did they wish to depress her? Their conduct was quite the reverseMr. Windham said:-Sir; in rising to they opposed the giving of supplies, and deliver my sentiments on the question were willing to leave France to turn all before us, I cannot avoid remarking, that her force against Austria. The language, the opinions of the House, and those of gentlemen is, if you continue the war, opinions of the gentlemen opposite, have we will try to cripple you in all your eflong been in direct opposition. The forts, and to render them ineffectual. I House wishes that an end may be put to gentlemen acted impartially and fairly, the calamities which have afflicted Eu- they would examine whether there was rope, arising from revolutionary princi- not some important end to be answered ples. Gentlemen opposite seem to wish worth all the trouble and expense which that those principles, which are called ministers would wish to bestow on its atthe rights of man, may be invigorated tainment. If such an end existed, it and flourish. The House wishes either would then be the height of absurdity to the restoration of monarchy to France, refuse the means of accomplishing it. But or some government not tinctured with on this subject we have heard very little revolutionary principles. Gentlemen on said. As for the reasons alleged for the other side wish for a republic, such as not granting the supply required, I am we now see exist. The House wishes for glad to observe that they seem to make a government in France that may be a very little impression on the House. If pledge to this country of a safe and ho- gentlemen can show that the money is nourable peace. Gentlemen, in confor- not likely to produce an effect adequate mity to their principles, wish the present to the expenditure, or that it can be laid coalition of powers may be broken, or out in some other way more to the advanthat their united endeavours may not tage of this country, ministers will be succeed. They have pleaded the neces- much oliged to them. But gentlemen sity for a negotiation, without consider opposite do not appear to be decided in ing that it affords very little prospect of their plans;-sometimes they would put leading to peace; while at the same time an entire stop to the war-and sometimes we know that it would have the certain they would only obstruct it. Some would effect of countenancing and consolidating go great lengths to carry on the war, but the power of Buonaparté : it would also object to the extensive lengths to which produce jealousy among the coalesced others are led, and therefore endeavour powers, and might ultimately tend to to paralyse the efforts which they want break the existing confederacy. Seeing, the spirit to approve. Another contrathen, all those immediate dangers to diction is seen also. They are attached which the coalition is exposed by a nego-to the republic of France while a republic tiation, it requires but little sagacity to conclude for what reason it was at first set on foot; it was an instrument to answer the political purposes of Buonaparté. If a man were to ask what would open an oyster? he would answer a knife of a certain thickness and dimensions: so, if a man were to ask what would break up a coalition? he would answer a negotiation; it is the apple of discord, meant to disunite only, and not to produce pacification. But the object of this country should be to counteract the schemes of our enemy, and this can only be done by guarding, with the most scrupulous care, against every thing which exists, and to individual despotism when fresh circumstances have created that change. Can feelings of the rights of man approve of such revolutions? That the House in general should differ from them, can be a matter of no surprise.Gentlemen accuse ministers of having no determinate object in the war. Sometimes they say it is the restoration of monarchy: sometimes the surrender of Belgium has been a sine qua non of peace; but the explanation of the grounds of the war, and its continuance, have been so often repeated, that it is folly to dwell any longer upon them; it must be intelligible to all mankind. If we cannot gain all we wish by the war, we must obtain solution, and of disturbing other states.→→ all we can. Where the best thing is unat-Gentlemen contend that the character of tainable, the second best must be had. Buonaparte should not come into consi From the beginning to the present period deration. They deprecate any discussion of the war, there has been no variation of this kind, and think it fraught with the in the grounds of its continuance. Since worst of consequences. Time and occa. I have been connected with the ministry, sion, Sir, do not invite me to say much by no expression of mine could it be sup- on this subject; I will only observe, that posed that I in the least differed from what has been said of Buonaparté did not them. The endeavours, therefore, that arise from any peevish satisfaction in gentlemen have made to fix on my con- weighing his character in the disadvan duct the character of change and indeci- tageous scale, but from the real necessity sion, are altogether unjust. I am not of the case. Before we treat with any ashamed of my sentiments, and have one, we must consider their character and always avowed them openly; this has conduct; nothing could be more reason, sometimes procured me the praise of can-able; how else shall we be able to rely on dour; and at others, the slur of indis- his sincerity? Buonaparté has been held cretion; but I am as little inclined to take out as a hero: this, one would suppose, the praise, as to admit the slur.-There was no recommendation in the eyes of is one question which gentlemen have those who are always declaiming against asked that deserves a definitive answer kings and conquerors, and war and blood"Will you," they say, "fight for the shed. Yet even this hero, armed with the restoration of that monarchy in France, power of a king, can be contemplated which was always hostile to this country, without fear, and even with pleasure; and has been the occasion of our wars while kings in general are branded with and debt?" This, Sir, is a matter of being lovers of war and murderers of mancalculation. The monarchy of France kind. Such are the prejudices that genexisted 800 years; and if we consider the tlemen are willing to entertain, because evils it occasioned us in that time, pon- two thousand years ago a king and a condere non numero, we shall find them far queror were synonymous terms; yet the inferior to those accumulated upon us union of these characters in Buonaparté by the unprovoked aggressions, the plots, becomes only a venal failing, and he is and the arts of France, in the short still to be endured; as a king he is no course of her 8 years revolution. What longer despotic; as a conqueror, it seems, is found most execrable in the history of he is not the plunderer of mankind. Tried the worst times, has been the every-day in a court of chivalry, indeed, his actions practice of France. Leaving the notion might dazzle; but they would, not even for a moment, of treating with that coun- there bear a scrutiny.Let us now come try as it now exists, let us suppose a to the sincerity of Buonaparté in wishing Bourbon on the throne; might not better to make a general peace. His love of terms of peace be expected from him than peace will be seen in that with Austria, from the present chief consul? Would which was made on his part chiefly with not peace with him be more permanent? a view of carrying war into another quarThe very condition in which a prince just ter of the world. He was in hopes, by reinstated in his throne would feel him- having the command of the army of Engself, would be a security for the limitation land, of subjugating this country to the of his views, and the permanency of his authority of France. In the intercepted engagements; neither, with a disposition letters from Egypt also we have several to be hostile, could he act with the same specimens of hissincerity. Yet, for the sake force as a republic. For some time also of suffering humanity, we are called upon he must, in a great measure, be depen- to make peace with this man, Peace at dant for security on neighbouring nations. all events, without considering what kind, In course of years, however, this same is the cry. Just like the man who turned monarchy, I own, might degenerate in prin- his dirty shirt, and exclaimed: “Oh the ciple as it increased in power, and be even comforts of clean linen!" It has been as hostile to us as the previous government. often asked, what is Jacobinism?, I say, It would, however, possess the character of we know it but by its effects; it breaks stability, and capacity to respect treaties, up the institutions of every country where while the present government of France it takes root; its explosions are like those carries in its bosom the seeds of its own dis-of a volcano, sudden and destructive, and C of Jacobinism, the great characteristic of which is, to take advantage of the discontents of mankind, and turn them to its own purposes. The Committee divided: Ayes, 162; Nocs, 19. it has almost brought ruin on Europe. At and the owners their estates, would not the same time, I own, there is some diffi- long scruple, if opportunity offered, to culty in defining it: it can easily trans- render the same resumption necessary in fer its regard from one government to an- this country.-The temporary scarcity of other; at one time universal representation provisions is no reason for not prosecuting is the true art of governing in its estima- the war, though it has been represented tion, and at another it is quite overlooked as almost an invincible objection. If it is and forgotten. This puts me in mind of of such weight we ought to make peace a conversation which I had lately with a at any rate. But I object altogether to friend at Norwich, whom I knew to be topics of this kind, on the ground that tainted. "Brissot (said he) was a fine they are Jacobinical; it is pressing into fellow!" "If he was so (said I), what the service of the question things that do was he who cut off Brissot's head ?" He not belong to it. The question of war was a fine fellow too," answered this weak and scarcity must stand on separate person. Just so with some gentlemen in grounds. By exciting among the people this House. In the French revolution, discontent on account of the scarcity, imthe last murderer is always the hero, and portant proceedings of administration may his sentiments and conduct the most es- be impeded, so as even to force ministers timable for a time; for this reason it is to abandon measures whereon depend the that there is such difficulty in describing welfare and salvation of the country. On Jacobinism: it is a kind of quality that account, therefore, of the mischiefs which may as well be presented to the mind as are liable to arise from thus mixing topics chaos itself; it is the very negative of all unconnected in their nature, the practice order. A Jacobin government is a revo-fully deserves to be branded with the name lutionary government; it is founded on the ruin of every thing permanent and dear to man: it robs the owner of his property to give it to the worthless, and despoils the people of their dearest rights and privileges. We are not to suppose that the danger of Jacobinism is over because it lies dormant, or because liberty is destroyed. If the latter circumstance could have precluded danger, all attachment for Jacobinism must have ceased from the beginning; for that and liberty have never been found to exist one moment together. Yet there are even now persons in this country who wish well to the government at present in France, and who would feel its establishment as the triumphof their sentiments and opinions. Such are the persons who justify the rights of man on every occasion. The progress of these principles is by them deemed no evil, but meets with their warmest support. Those that wish for peace with Buonaparté, wish it with more than natural ardour, and blame, therefore, with proportionate intemperance, every measure adopted with a contrary view; and this arises solely from their regard for the present upstart French monarchy. The interest of this country is not to implicate itself with the French government, for by so doing every proceeding which has disgraced France would meet with our tacit justification; and men who think it would be a great *calamity to see the rightful sovereign of France resume his throne and authority, [VOL. XXXIV.] Mr. Abbot's Motion for a Committee on the State of the Public Records.] Feb. 18. Mr. Abbot rose to call the attention of the House to the state of the public records of the kingdom. Whoever had reflected upon the importance of preserving the public records and archives in any country which enjoyed the blessings of a settled constitution and government, and looked to the condition of our public records in this country, with a view to their practical utility in matters of legislation, state, or judicature, would cer tainly find them, in some of the principal repositories, preserved with sufficient order and regularity, and in some few, with a method and care which are exemplary; but in numberless instances, and in many of the most important departments, they were wholly unarranged, undescribed, and unascertained; some of them exposed to erasure, alteration, and embezzlement, by interested parties, and others lodged in places where they are daily rotting by damp, or incurring the continual risk of destruction by fire. That this state of things had come to pass, was not owing to any intentional disregard of this subject, on the part of the crown, or parlia[54] ment; but to a variety of events, all of accumulation of materials in every de which had contributed, in different ways,partment to which that investigation exto produce this result. The public atten- tended, but many other repositories of tion had been directed to this object, great national importance, such as the from early times. In some of the very courts maritime and ecclesiastical, had first petitions upon the rolls of parliament, not fallen within the scope of the former the public records of the kingdom are em- inquiries, nor had they extended to Scotphatically styled the people's evidences, land. And besides that the Cathedral and it is ordained that they shall be made and University libraries were not then exaccessible to all the king's subjects. At plored, the public had since acquired some periods the sovereign alone, at others other collections equal in value to any of the houses of parliament separately, and those already enumerated, such as the at others the king and parliament con- Royal, the Harleian, and the Sloaman, jointly, had interposed to make special which now constitute the British Museums provisions and regulations for their due Thus, the difficulties of introducing method preservation and arrangement. But, un- and arrangement had multiplied with the fortunately, almost all the provisions esta- increase of materials: in addition to which, blished by the vigilance of successive a new source of embarrassment had been reigns were broken down by the civil wars created by the change which took place of the last century, and no effectual mea during the same interval of time in the sures were adopted to retrieve the mis- language and written character of judicial chiefs produced by those times of confu- proceedings; a change which, without sion until the reign of queen Anne. At questioning its utility in other respects, that period lord Halifax, in conjunction had altered the mode of education of with the then speaker, Mr. Harley (after- those persons whose professional habits wards lord Oxford), projected and carried should have made them most conversant into effect the design of collecting that with these matters; so that few, very few magnificent compilation of State papers persons possessing even by tradition the and records which the publie now possess technical knowledge belonging to these under the name of Rhymer's Fædera. But subjects are now to be met with. It was as that great national work chiefly related obvious that the practical evils resulting to the foreign transactions of this country, from this train of circumstances must be lord Halifax afterwards, with the zealous very considerable. And some of them co-operation of lord Somers, proposed to were so striking and singular, and of such the House of Lords to investigate the opposite sorts, that the statement of them state of our domestic records, as connected would prove the urgency of some parlia with our internal laws and government. mentary interposition. Within the walls That inquiry was prosecuted without in- of the House of Commons itself, there termission, and with many salutary conse-were loads of records, noticed in the requences, through the reigns of queen Anne and George 1st down to the commencement of the reign of his late majesty at which time this House was in duced, after the fire, which happened to the Cottonian library, to set on foot another inquiry by its own authority, still more extensive and effectual; and the very valuable report made at the conclusion of that proceeding, together with an earnest and unanimous address of the House of Commons in support of the measures which it recommended, was laid at the foot of the throne. Since that transaction, a period had elapsed of nearly seventy years, during which some of the measures recommended by that report had been adopted very effectually, although others of them had not been fully executed. And not only the very lapse of time hal progressively superadded a large ports of parliament nearly a century ago, taking the most effectual means for their arrangement and preservation. Many strong reasons of personal interest and public policy must prove this to every man who had either landed property to defend, or who felt a value for the constitution under which he lived. And whate - son whatever, almost without check or restraint; and there were persons at this titne within, hearing, who knew that such aluses had been practised. In the office of the lord treasurer's remembrancer, the evil was of a different sort; and there, for want of accommodation, the records were utterly inaccessible, so that ques-ever might be the indifference with which tions of public moment were now sus- those things were regarded in the abstract, pended for the want of documents, known he would ask any land-owner, either in to be lodged here, but which could not be the House or out of it-whether, if his produced, or selected, from the general title came to be litigated, he would not mass of confusion. In the Pipe-office, resort to those repositories with the greatanother branch of the Exchequer, where est anxiety, and think himself most secure by law every public accountant ought to if he found it was warranted by some have his quietus recorded, it had been royal grant, some ancient perambulation, represented three years ago to a com- or public survey, Corporate franchises, mittee of this House (the finance com- and many of the most valuable rights of mittee) that no person, however deeply the church, had no other solid foundation; interested in the affairs of any public ac- and in parliament itself, besides the peri countant, either as principal or surety, odical discussions which arise before comcould obtain a certificate of the state of his mittees upon election rights, which are final balance or discharge. An evil of a often deeply involved in these researches, still different sort occurred in the instance whenever the two Houses unhappily of special commissions for the trials of differ, it is by the recorded transactions of treasons; and however strange it might their ancestors that their conferences must appear, it was strictly true, that the pro- be guided; for they have no other umpire ceedings under the commission executed to which they can resort; and even parin the north after the rebellion in 1745, liament, in its entire capacity, has, at no and those in London in 1794, and at very distant period, and upon occasions of Maidstone in 1798, remained now in the the most solemn concern, looked to those unauthenticated custody of private per- repositories for the most certain standard sons, without any blame whatever being of its proceedings, in times and upon imputable to them-but for want of proper questions the most arduous. He trusted, process to remove them to their proper therefore, that it was not too much to place of deposit. And, as to the affairs assert, in the language of lord Halifax's of Scotland or Ireland, so broken and Report" that it will be a public damage, disjoined were all the documents relating and dishonour to the kingdom, to suffer to those countries, that there was no such monuments of antiquity to perish."-place in which any man might not search He then proceeded to state the leading for them with some expectation of success, points, to which he proposed that the and no place where he could be certain present enquiry should be directed, In that his search would be successful. He the first place, he proposed to call upon next stated, that, although this was the the proper officers of every principal rereal condition of the public records, he pository in England, who was entrusted was by no means confident that some with any records or instruments in which persons might not be of opinion, that no the public has a concern, requiring him to great harm would ensue if all these parch-state the sorts of instruments in his posments, and papers were left to perish in their dust, or were fairly disposed of by one general conflagration; and he was disposed to apprehend this the more beCause it was well known that the levellers in the last century had actually proposed that expedient, and there might be some men now, who not unwisely for the same ends, might hold the same opinions. But this was perfectly clear, that there could be e no rational medium whatever, between adopting that summary expedient, or J session, and the periods of time to which they relate; extending this enquiry also Lo Scotland, where matters of this nature had been in all times regulated with the most exemplary care; and meaning that the contents of all these returns should be afterwards methodized and digested by competent and experienced persons, to be authorized and employed for the express purpose of furaishing the House with the most correct information in the most convenient form. In the next place, |