from the field of battle to the regions of dispair! these are evils, against which dollars are as nothing and vanity. Yet the expense of a hundred thousand dollars in this country, in cultivating the principles of peace, may prevent the untimely death of a hundred thousand of our brethren or our children, and months of exquisite distress to as many more. Not only so, the saving of so many men from untimely death, may be the occasion of their being finally saved from misery in the world to come.

TENTH REASON.

We may now advance still farther and say-Even on the improbable supposition, that the exertions in favor of permanent peace, should so far fail of their intended effect, as neither to diminish the horrors nor the frequency of war, still the labors of those who are faithful and sin cere in the cause will not be in vain.

The proper characteristics of war are inhumanity, crime and woe. To indulge, therefore, the spirit and passions of war must be injurious to the moral character, and dangerous to the souls of men. On the contrary, faithfully to cultivate the principles and the spirit of peace, must have a salutary and saving influence. We naturally imbibe more and more of the spirit which we habitually contemplate and admire. Those therefore who cordially engage in the cause of peace, and cherish the spirit of the gospel, will at least gain these benefitsthey will improve their own moral characters-they will become more and more assimilated to the temper of their Prince and Savior, and be the better prepared to enjoy the blessedness which he has promised to peace-makers. The gracious reward does not depend on the success of our exertions, but on the temper and fidelity with which they are made.

Besides, those who faithfully engage and persevere in the cause of peace, will avoid the guilt and condemnation of being in future accessary to the crimes and miseries of such wars as they cannot prevent. Their consciences will bear them witness that they were not the guilty agents who hurried their fellow-men into scenes of murder and wretchedness.

Should a future war occur, the faithful friend of peace will experience the consolation of an approving con

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science, while he says to himself" This war, these scenes of blood and carnage, have not occurred by my agency, nor prior to faithful exertions on my part to prevent them. I have not only forborn to encourage war, but I have done what I could, in the situation I was placed by Providence, and with the talents entrusted to me, to open the eyes of my brethren, and to save my country from such guilt and misery. If the ravages of war should extend to my habitation; if my substance, my family and even my life, shall fall a prey to this destructive scourge; I have this comfort-I shall "suffer as a Christian," and not as a murderer. My God, my Savior, my inheritance and my home are in heaven, where wars shall never reach me, and peace shall be immortal.

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If these were the only benefits to result from the most diligent and faithful efforts for the abolition of war they would be a glorious recompense-a recompense infinitely surpassing all the acquisitions of bloody men.

The ten reasons which have been given in favor of the utility of efforts for the abolition of war, are, if I mistake not, all founded on well authenticated facts, or rational grounds of probability and encouragement. Several other sources of encouragement have heretofore been occasionally mentioned, and may perhaps at a future time be more amply discussed: such as the benignant character of Jehovah-the beneficent design and tendency of the gospel-the predictions relating to the peace of the world under the reign of the Messiah-the numerous societies and benevolent institutions in Europe and America, which have a tendency to enlighten and humanize the mind; to excite, cherish and promote Christian love and sympathy, and to improve the moral state of society. When these various sources of encouragement are viewed in connection with the ten reasons which have been illustrated-what more can be wanting to inspire a hope in every friend of peace, which shall be as 66 an anchor to the soul, both sure and stedfast"—a hope which he will not be ashamed to avow, even in the presence of a warring and unbelieving world?

If the friends of war are not ashamed to avow their opinions, while God and religion and humanity are all

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against them; surely the friends of peace may speak their minds and pursue their work without dismay for the God of peace, the Prince of peace, the Gospel of peace are all for them, and every thing GOOD in heaven and in earth, in angels and in men, is on their side, to encour age their hearts, to strengthen their hands and to crown them with glory.

The cause of peace is of so amiable a character, that the more it is examined the more it will be admired; but the cause of war is in its nature so hateful and inhuman, that it needs only to be seen, to be detested. The time is at hand when the fascinating laurels of the blood-stained conquerors of the world, will fade and wither, by the influence of the SUN OF PEACE, and when such monsters will no longer be regarded as worthy of PRAISE for the innumerable robberies and murders they committed.

LETTER TO THE HON. MR. JEFFERSON. October 18, 1815.

SIR,

ALTHOUGH a stranger to you, I take the liberty to address you on a subject deeply interesting to humanity. I am encouraged to do this by a recollection of some things in your state papers, which I then regarded as indications that you had become convinced of the impolicy of war, and that you wished to avoid a rupture with foreign nations.

Near the close of the late war, I was somehow excited to examine the subject of war in general; and I became fully convinced, that the custom of settling national disputes by, war, is perfectly needless, unjust and inhuman, as well as antichristian; and that the custom is supported by delusion and a barbarous fanaticism. Under these impressions and convictions, I have published three pamphlets on the subject; a copy of each I send with this, soliciting you to accept and to peruse them.

Having some knowledge of your advanced age, your talents, and your weight of character, I am desirous that you should attend to the subject of the pamphlets, according to its importance, and that you should favor me th the result of your reflections-that if your opinion

accord with mine, your testimony may be employor the good of our country and the peace of the world.

Near the close of the second Number of the Friend of Peace you may find some encouraging facts.

Should I meet with encouragement, the Friend of Peace will still be continued quarterly. Any information or hints which you may give in favor of the glorious object, will be gratefully accepted by your sincere friend,

Hon. THOMAS JEFFERSON,

SIR,

late President of the U. S.

MR. JEFFERSON'S ANSWER.

Monticello, Jan. 29, 1816. YOUR letter, bearing date Oct. 18, 1815. came only to hand the day before yesterday, which is mentioned to explain the date of mine. I have to thank you for the pamphlets accompanying it, to wit, the Solemn Review, the Friend of Peace or Special Interview, and the Friend of Peace No. 2. The first of these I had received through another channel some months ago, I have not read the two last steadily through, because where one assents to propositions as soon as announced it is loss of time to read the arguments in support of them. These numbers discuss the first branch of the causes of war, that is to say, wars undertaken for the point of honor, which you aptly analogize with the act of duelling between individuals, and reason with justice from the one to the other. Undoubtedly this class of wars is in the general what you s'ate them to be, "needless, unjust and inhuman, as well as antichristian."

The second branch of this subject, to wit, wars under. taken on account of wrong done, and which may be likened to the act of robbery in private life, I presume will be treated of in your future numbers. I observe this class mentioned in the Solemn Review, p. 10, and the question asked, "Is it common for a nation to obtain a redress of wrongs by war?" The answer to this question you will of course draw from history; in the mean time reason will answer it on grounds of probability, that where the wrong has been done by a weaker nation, the stronger one has generally been able to enforce redress; but where by a stronger nation, redress by war has been i.

neither obtained nor expected by the weaker; on the contrary, the loss has been increased by the expenses of the war in blood and treasure: yet it may have obtained another object equally securing itself from future wrong. It may have retaliated on the aggressor losses of blood and treasure, far beyond the value to him, of the wro he had committed, and thus have made the advantage that too dear a purchase to leave him in a disposition to renew the wrong in future; in this way the loss by the war may have secured the weaker nation from loss by future wrong. The case you state of two boxers, both of whom get a " terrible bruising," is apposite to this; he of the two who committed the aggression on the other, although victor in the scuffle, yet probably finds his aggression not worth the bruising it has cost him. To explain this by numbers, it is alleged, that Great-Britain took from us before the late war near 1000 vessels, and that during the war we took from her 1400; that before the war she seized, and made slaves of 6000 of our citizens, and that in the war we killed more than 6000 of her subjects, and caused her to expend such a sum as amounted to 4 or 5,000 guineas a head for every slave she made. Shs might have purchased the vessels she took for less than the value of those she lost, and have used the 6000 of her men killed for the purposes to which she applied ours, have saved the 4 or 5,000 guineas a head, and obtained a character of justice, which is valuahle to a nation as to an individual. These considerations therefore leave her without inducement to plunder property, and take men in future on such dear terms. I neither affirm nor deny the truth of these allegations, nor is their truth material to the question; they are possible, and therefore present a case which will claim your consideration in a discussion of the general question; Whether any degree of injury can render a recourse to war expedient? Still less do I propose to draw to myself any part in this discussion. Age, and its effects both on body and mind, has weaned my attentions from public subjects, and left me unequal to the labors of correspondence, beyond the limits of my personal concerns. 1 retire therefore from the question with a sincere wish, hat your writings may have effect in lessening this reatest of human evils, and that you may retain life and